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S. G. and E. L. ELBERT 

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" And tears and toil have been my lot, 
Since I the white man's thrall became ; 

And sorer griefs I wish forgot — 
Harsh blows and burning shame !" 


Vol. I, for 1835. 







Abolition Cause, progress of, . 31 
" Spurious, , . .43 
" Electricity, ... 66 
Advertisement, of Negroes for sale, 34 
Afric's Dream, . . . .107 
Amalgamation, .... 7 

Anecdotes, 130 

Ann Mahon, 139 

Antigua, compared with Jamaica, 137 
Apprenticeship, cruelties of, . 138 

Auction of Slaves at Richmond, . 57 
Beman, Rev. Dr. Ex. of his Speech, 80 
Bible in West Indies, . . .132 

Blind Boy, 11 

Boardman, Rev. Mr. Ex. of Speech, 82 
Bondservice, Hebrew, . . . 123 
British Delegates, Report of, . 9 
Campbell, Lines from, . . . 144 
Cape of Good Hope, . . .43 
Children sold by the pound, . . 105 
Coisnon, Tutor of Toussaint's Sons, 38 
Colonization, what it means, . 68 

Colorphobia, 95 

Compensation, . . . .17 
Condition of American Slaves, .133 
Confession of a Slave-taker* . 20 

Contradiction, . . . .119 

Desire of Liberty, ... * 25 
Desperation of a Mother, . 97 

De Vastey, Baron, Extract from, . 129 
Dew, Prof, his love of liberty, . 47 
Dialogue, fragment of, . . . 140 
Dickey, Rev. Mr. Ex. from Speech, 83 
Doctrine of the Bible in regard to 

Slavery, 98 

Downing, Stephen, . . 73 

Dresser, Amos, .... 119 
" " Persecution of, . 121 

Driving of Slaves,'* . . . . 134 
Eighth Commandment, . . 17 

Elisyee, case of, . . .32 

Emancipated Slaves, industry of, 42 
Emancipation, safety of, . 1, 41 
" effect of, . . 70 

Equality, 71 

Everett, Edward, . . . .141 
Evidence, law of in Ohio, . . 35 
Facts by Mr. Birney, . . .68 
" from Kentucky, . . 113 
Faithful Preaching, effects of, . 65 
FamilyWorship among Slaveholders,69 
Feeding of Slaves, . 135 

Flogging, . . . . 51 

" of Females, ". . . 109 


Fragments, 65 

Free people of color, persecution of, 52 
Freezing to death for fear of the 

whip, 64, 119 

Generous Planter, a tale, . . 85 
Gradual and Immediate Emanci- 
pation, 55 

Guadaloupe, Emancipation in, . 41 

Hayti, .126 

Hebrew Bondservice, . , . 123 
Helping to buy a Father, . . 77 
Hope deferred. . . . .117 

Jamaica, 8 

" compared with Antigua, 137 

Jay's Inquiry, 52 

Joseph, the Slave, . . . .33 
Kidnapped Girl, . . . .75 
Lash, value of in Virginia and Illi- 
nois, 35 

Laws against Emancipation, Anec- 
dote, 43 

Letter from a Minister in Mass., . 118 
" " in a slave State, 101 

" Toussaint to Bonaparte, 38 
Liberty Bell, . 23 

Light breaking upon West Indies, 132 
Martin, Teter, . . . .63 
Merchandise of men, . . 34 

Milley Thomas, . . . .139 
Monopoly of honest employment, 68 
Montgomery, lines by, . . . 131 
Mosaic servitude contrasted with 

American, 9 

Naimbana, Anecdote of, . . 129 

Natural Equality, . 8 

Neglected Duty, . . . .23 
Negro, a man, .... 100 

Norfolk Manifesto, . . . 107 

Onesimus, case of, ... 33 

Pauperism, not produced by Eman- 
cipation, . . . . .42 
Pettis,F.H. Esq. his advertisement, 116 
Pittsburgh, A. S. Meeting in, . . 80 
Poetry, 11, 24, 36, 66, 71, 107, 111, 144 
Pottery at Castries, . . 42 

Priscilla Taylor, . . . .138 
Progress of Abolition Cause, . 31 
Prudence of Slaves, . . . 69 
Public sale of human flesh, . . 140 

Quodpe, 140 

Rankin, Rev. A. Extract of Speech, 81 

Receipts, 12, 24, 36, 48, 90, 72, 84, 108, 

120, 132, 144 

Remedy for Slavery, . . . . 8 




Right of property, . . . .78 

Right to rob, 66 

Runaway Slave, ... 22 

Scenes in City Prison, . . 61,73 

Scrap of history, .... 32 

Separation of families, . . 51,64 

Sharp, Granville, . . . 128 

Slave, speech of, on his trial, . . 143 

" Trade in Kentucky, . . 70 

Slavedealer — By Pringle, . . 66 

Slaveholder's Inquisition, . . 52 

Slaveholding Commentary, . .115 

" Revivalist, . . 46 

Slaves, Condition of American, . 133 

" have nothing to do with 

Fourth of July, . .115 
" may be Emancipated in Ky., 69 
" "Underfed in Louisiana, . 136 
Slavery and Freedom, lines by Dr. 

Wardlaw, 71 

Slavery, a Sin, . . . .75 
" cruelties of, . . 49, 64 
" effect of on Education, . 70 
" how forced on America, .118 
" in District of Columbia, . 30 
" theleveler, ... 99 
" under the flag of Liberty, 13 


Slavery, what has the Church to do 

with it? . . 28,58 

" what have people of the 

north? . . . .40 

" what is it? ... 14 
Smith, Francis, . . . .74 
Speech of a Slave at his trial, . 143 
St. Christopher's, • . . .139 
St. Domingo, 1 

" Present state of, . 55 
Stone, Mr. Asa A. .... 134 
Tait, Bacon, his Advertisement, . 116 
Taunt of Europe, .... 142 
Testimony, a valuable, . . . 116 
" That alters the case," . .140 
Thompson, George, Speech at Man- 
chester, 33 

Threatening, sample of, . . 105 
Times changed, .... 106 
ToussaintL'Ouverture, . . . 37 
Traffic. Accursed, . . . 116 

Washington's Toast, ... 68 
Weld's Address, . . . .110 
West Indies, . . . . 4 

" " Abolition in, . . 137 
Why don't you goto the south? 46 



VOL. I. JANUARY, 1835. NO. 1. 

Facts showing the safety of Emancipation. 

It is objected to the American Anti-Slavery Society, that its 
scheme would " tarn loose" upon the community two millions of 
savages, to plunder and destroy. To be more particular, the fol- 
lowing things are feared. 

1. The emancipated slaves, out of revenge, would murder their 

2. They would refuse to labor for wages. 

3. They would starve, from inability to take care of themselves. 

4. From these causes agriculture would be brought to a stand, 
and the country would be ruined. 

There is an old adage, that " Honesty is the best policy," and it 
is said somewhere, that " the Righteous shall prosper." But we 
shall not now argue the matter on this ground. The question is, 
whether the immediate abolition of property in human beings, and 
the substitution of impartial laws for despotic will,— provided the 
slaveholders should make the change themselves, would be safe and 
beneficial to all parties. Common sense will ask, has it ever been 
tried'? "What do facts show'? We shall present some facts that 
are established on unquestionable authority, remarking in the first 
place, that history fails to present any facts which give the least 
countenance to any of the fears we have specified. 


The moment we speak of meddling with slavery at all, the 
''Horr.xs of St. Domingo" are held up, and we are warned 
against the repetition of those dark and bloody atrocities which 
have stained the soil and the history of that, it is said, ill fated island. 
But who is there that knows the story of St. Domingo % Who is 
there that can put his finger on the authorities, and teach us the 
true order of events, and the real causes of the bloodshed 1 Not 
those who would frighten us from Emancipation. It is to their 


purpose to deal only in empty declamation. By a thorough inves- 
tigation of history, the following facts are established. 

1. Previous to 1790, the French National Assembly decreed 
equality of rights to all citizens. The free people of color in the 
French part of St. Domingo, many of whom were wealthy, peti- 
tioned the Assembly that the decree might also extend to them. It 
was so extended — partially and ambiguously, in 1790, and expli- 
citly in 1791. This exasperated the whites. They took up arms, 
and trampling upon the national cockade, commenced the civil 
war. Camps were formed, and massacres and conflagrations en- 
sued, so horrible that the Assembly thought best to rescind its de- 
cree in favor of the free people of color. This again exasperated 
the colored. Massacre and devastation commenced afresh. The 
Assembly, seeing that injustice was not more likely to make peace 
than justice, re-established its decree, and sent commissioners to 
restore order. The quarrel still continued, after the arrival of the 
commissioners. The public buildings were burned and thousands 
were slain in the streets. These were the "Horrors of St. Do- 
mingo." Be it remembered, that up to this time, NO ACT OF 

2. The commissioners, Polverel and Santhonax, finding them- 
selves at the head of only one thousand troops, issued a proclama 
tiori to the slaves, promising " to give freedom to all tvho would 
range themselves under the banners of the Republic." Many avail 
ed themselves of the offer. This was done in the North. Pol- 
verel, on travelling to the "West, found that this proclamation had 
begun to affect the minds of the slaves there, and that universal 
emancipation could not long be retarded. He, therefore, proposed 
to the white planters themselves to concur in such emancipation, 
for the sake of their personal safety. This proposition was almost 
unanimously acceded to. The proclamation of Polverel to the 
planters was dated in September, 1793. In February, 1794, the 
National Assembly, probably ignorant of what the commissioners 
had done, decreed the abolition of slavery throughout all the colo- 
nies of France. Thus at one blow were 500,000 slaves set at li- 
berty, with no other preparation than a general concurrence on the 
part of the masters, and that too at a time of the greatest possible 

3. The Result. It was peaceful and happy to all parties. The 
following is the statement of the venerable Thomas Clarkson. 

" With respect to those emancipated by Santhonax in the North, 
we have nothing to communicate. They were made free for mili- 
tary purposes only ; and we have no clue whereby we can find out 
what became of them afterwards. 

" With respect to those who were emancipated next in the South, 
and directly afterwards in the West, by the proclamation of Polve- 
rel, we are enabled to give a very pleasing account. Fortunately 
for our views, Colonel Malenfant, who was a resident in the island 
at the time, has made us acquainted with their general conduct and 
character. His account, though short, is quite sufficient for our 


purpose. Indeed it is highly satisfactory.* ' After this public act 
of emancipation,' says he, (by Polverel,) ' the negroes remained 
quiet both in the South and in the West, and they continued to 
work upon all the plantations. There were estates, indeed, which 
had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, for some of 
these had been put into prison by Montbrun ; and others, fearing 
the same fate, had fled to the quarter which had just been given 
up to the English. Yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the 
Negroes continued their labors, where there were any, even infe- 
rior, agents to guide them ; and on those estates, where no white 
men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to the plant- 
ing of provisions ; but upon all the plantations where the Whites 
resided, the Blacks continued to labor as quietly as before? A little 
further on in the work, ridiculing the notion entertained in France, 
that the Negroes would not work without compulsion, he takes oc- 
casion to allude to other Negroes, who had been liberated by the 
same proclamation, but who were more immediately under his own 
eye and cognizance.t ' If,' says he, ' you will take care not to speak 
to them of their return to slavery, but to talk to them of their liber- 
ty, you may with this latter word chain them down to their labor. 
How did Toussaint succeed 1 How did I succeed also before his 
time in the plain of the Cul de Sac, and on the Plantation Gouraud, 
more than eigld months after liberty had been granted by Polverel 
to the slaves ^ Let those who knew me at the time, and even the 
blacks, themselves, be asked. They will reply, that not a single 
Negro upon that plantation, consisting of more than four hundred 
and fifty laborers, refused to work ;. and yet this plantation was 
thought to be under the worst discipline, and the slaves most idle 
of any in the plain. I, myself, inspired the same activity into three 
other plantations, of which I had the management.'" 

From this period up to the year 1802, history furnishes no mat- 
ter of complaint against the emancipated slaves. " The Colony, 5 ' 
says Malenfant, " was flourishing under Toussaint. — The whites 
lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the Negroes con- 
tinued to work for them." 

General Lacroix,* speaking of the state of things in 1797, 

" The colony marched, as by enchantment, towards its ancient 
splendor ; cultivation prospered ; every day produced perceptible 
proofs of its progress. The city of the Cape and the plantations 
of the North, rose up again visibly to the eye." 

4. In 1802, Bonaparte sent Leclerc, with a large army, to restore 
slavery. The freemen of St. Domingo refused to be slaves. Aid- 
ed by the influence of their climate upon Europeans, they expelled 

* Memoire historique et politique des Colonies, et particulierement de celle 
St. Domingue, &c. Paris, 1814, 8vo. p. 58. 
t Pp. 125, 126. 
t Memoires, p. 311. 


their invaders. Then it was that all the lohitcs, as guilty of perfi- 
dy, were driven from the island. ^ 

5. Without the aid of any other people, and under the frown of 
the nations called civilized and Christian, the people who thus se- 
cured their freedom, have maintained their independence, to the 
present time. 

6. They have organized a regular government, and the whole 
island, now called Hayti, is nourishing under its auspices, having 
doubled its population within the last thirty years. 

The advocates of slavery are welcome to all the inferences 
against emancipation which they can derive from these facts. To 
us they prove, plainly, that immediate emancipation, in the worst 
possible circumstances, is safer than slavery. They prove that 
SLAVERY, not LIBERTY, is chargeable with all " THE HOR- 

Did the limits of this essay permit, we might speak of the eman- 
cipations which have taken place in Mexico, Colombia, the Cape 
of Good Hope, and in many other places, to a partial extent. In 
none of those cases have any ill effects followed, and yet, in none 
of them was there any probation or preparation of the slave for 
freedom. In several of the northern states slavery once existed 
and has been abolished. Though the process was gradual in re- 
ference to the mass of the slaves, yet this was only to satisfy the 
prejudices or the avarice of the masters. It cannot be pretended 
that any special means were used to prepare the slaves for free- 
dom, nor do we think it can be said of any of them, that they 
were more lit to enjoy liberty on the day they received it, than 
when it was first determined to grant it to them. We pass to an 
examination of the more recent liberation of the slaves in the 


On the First ©f August 1834, slavery was abolished throughout 
the British Dominions. This act extended to about 800,000 slaves, 
chiefly in the West Indies. It is remarkable, that as soon as the 
slaveholders saw that emancipation was inevitable, they forgot all 
their apprehensions of danger in their earnestness to secure the 
largest possible compensation. The mother country proposed to her 
colonies a system of apprenticeship, wherein the slaves should 
serve their masters six years longer without wages, subject to pun- 
ishment only from special magistrates, that they might become 
accustomed to liberty by degrees. The islands of Antigua and 
Bermuda, had the good* sense to prefer immediate emancipation 
to this absurd plan of coming at it by degrees. But in regard 
to all the colonies, we remark, that the experiment, thus far, 
has been perfectly safe. The former slaves have every where con- 
tinued to labor, and with no interruption, except in some cases where 
the masters hare refused to yield, the whip. From the islands where 
emancipation was immediate^ and unconditional, no complaint has 
oeen heard. Let any candid reader peruse the following account 


of the change from despotism to law as it occurred in Jamaica, 
and ask himself whether slavery can be abolished too soon for the 
good of all parties. 


" Yesterday being the day on which, according to law, Slavery 
ceased in the West India Colonies, and which was declared to be 
a holiday by the act of last Sessions in aid of the abolition act, all 
the public offices in this town remained shut ; but, instead of the 
noisy drumming which it was expected would usher in the day, all 
was quietness, and great numbers of the new apprentices, with a 
proper sense of feeling, attended divine worship in the Methodist and 
Baptist chapels of this town, which were opened to receive them, 
and both were excessively crowded. They were observed to listen 
most attentively to the excellent instructions they received, as to 
their future conduct, from the pulpits of both these places of wor- 
ship, and we cannot doubt it will have the proper effect upon their 
minds. Soon after divine service, they assembled in numbers, with 
their usual instruments of music, before the king's house, and salu- 
ted his Excellency and family with several hearty huzzas, whom 
they also entertained by half an hour's exhibition of their usual 
gambols, when they proceeded to other parts of the town. These 
enjoyments were carried on until the signal bell rung at nine, when 
all became quiet ; and the town, as well as the neighborhood, has 
continued so during this day. Many of them were observed this 
morning busy in their grounds and gardens, in this vicinity, as if 
nothing extraordinary had taken place, and we have not the least 
doubt that all will return cheerfully to their usual occupations on 
Monday morning. We have the most sanguine expectations that 
such will be the case throughout the colony, affording us reason to 
hope, with the help of Providence, that a glorious — a bloodless, 
and we trust, ultimately prosperous, revolution in our affairs will 
be effected." — St. Jago Gazette, August 2. 

The following notices of the change in several different parishes 
of Jamaica, are taken from the Watchman and Jamaica Free Press, 
of August 9. 

" St. Catherine's. — The much dreaded 1st and 4th August — days 
that were expected to usher in massacre, rapine, and all the hor- 
rors that the fears of weak and timid men could picture, have ar- 
rived, past, and were consummated most properly as days of religi- 
ous thanksgiving. The churches and chapels of every denomination 
of christians that were opened in the country parishes, were crowded 
with a clean, cheerful looking peasantry, who, I am informed, shed 
tears of joy at the consummation of a day so devoutly wished for. 
This refers to St. Elizabeth's. In Manchester, I understand, they 
thronged Mr. Hall's chapel, and voluntarily entered into a liberal 
subscription to enlarge the building. Here we behold the first fruits 
of freedom. Slavery was never capable of such an act, and it would 
be contrary to reason to expect Christianity to be allied to it. Now 


that the monster has been exterminated, we may finally anticipate 
that the resources of this fine island will soon begin to be developed. " 
" Clarendon.— At present I can only say, the most happy under- 
standing seems to exist between the employers and their laborers.'' 

11 St. George's.— On Sunday an excellent sermon. was preached 
by the Rector to a crowded congregation, and, I am happy to say, 
on Monday the apprentices turned out to work cheerfully. All the 
cane pieces in sight of this place seemed thronged with them, and 
they appeared to labor most willingly." 

" St. Thomas' in the East. — What has become of the denuncia- 
tions of the pros ? Whither have fled all the fearful imaginings 
of the .timorous 1 The Rubicon has been passed, and no confla- 
gration ! No cutting of throats — no plucking of beards, but peace- 
ful, contented labor." 

" Thelawny. — A conviction that you will be anxious to know 
how the glorioles first day of August went off in the country and 
more populous parishes of this important island, induces me to send 
you the following account, which may assist to remove forever the 
false views and tormenting fears of persons whose minds, through 
the accursed and now forever defunct system of slavery, were in- 
volved in a thraldom the most odious and abhorrent to considerate 
and philanthropic men." 

" St. James's.— Things have gone off quite peaceably with us at 
Montego Bay. Such crowds of people as poured into the town on 
Friday and Saturday I never before saw. Joy and gladness were 
depicted in every body's countenance. Amongst all the people that 
thronged our streets, I did not see a single person in a state of in- 

Of the same nature are the accounts from all the parishes. except 
St. Ann's. On the latter, the Editor of the Watchman thus re- 
marks : — 

" We are not a little concerned to % hear of the unsettled state of 
things in the parish of St. Ann, and hope that no improper means 
have been employed to irritate the minds of the negroes in that 
quarter, though there is a rumor afloat that one of the honorable 
members of the House of Assembly for that parish has endeavor- 
ed to induce his apprenticed laborers to enter cheerfully upon the 
new scheme, by turning his cattle into their grounds, in order that 
the whole of their provisions might be destroyed. We hope for 
his own sake that the gentleman alluded to will avail himself ci 
the earliest opportunity of contradicting this statement, if it be un- 
true. But if the rumor be correct, we ask who can wonder at 
the dissatisfaction manifested by his former vassals. We could 
enlarge, but, till we hear more on this subject, forbear." 

We have carefully examined the files of the Watchman from 
this time down to the 4th of October, and we find no contradiction 
of this " rumor. 11 


From more recent accounts it appears very clearly, that, if the 
planters do not have labor sufficient to gather in their crops, they 
may thank their own avarice and obstinacy for the deficiency. From 
the facts already developed it appears, as indeed the slightest ob- 
servation of human nature might teach us, that any approach 
towards freedom is better and safer than continuing in oppression. 

If Emancipation was safe in St. Domingo, if it is safe in the Bri- 
tish colonies, if it has been safe wherever it has been tried, why 
should it not be safe in the United States 1 We have 2,250,000 
slaves, it is true ; but they are not crowded into one mass. No- 
where does The black population much exceed the white-— nowhere 
is it very dense ; whereas in the small island of Jamaica, 331,000 
slaves were crowded in with a population of only 15,000 whites ! 
Now can it be believed that if the slave-holders themselves, and that 
is all we ask, should abolish slavery, they would find the least dif- 
ficulty in the world, in keeping order and procuring all necessary 


The opponents of universal emancipation and equality of rights, 
say, " It would produce an amalgamation of the white and black 
GL. Why do you dread such an amalgamation 1 
A. Because there is a natural repugnance between the two rack- 
et. Then where is the danger of its taking place % Must injus&ce 
be added to natural repugnance to prevent a violation of nature ? 
Cannot nature defend herself? 

The colored people do not ask for intermarriages with the whites; 
nor do the abolitionists for them. They ask only for justice — mese 
equality of protection, from government. But, says the objector, 
your scheme, if carried into effect, will certainly produce amalga- 
mation ! Will it, indeed 7 What then has become of the "natural 
repugnance ?" And, where will be the harm 1 Will the parties in- 
termarrying be dissatisfied 7 Then why did they do so % Will the 
public 7 What business have the public to interfere with people's 
marriages 1 While every body does as he or she pleases, where is 
the cause of dissatisfaction 7 

O, says the objector, but it will happen. " If you educate the 
blacks, and treat them as you do the whites, there will be inter- 
marrying. How rational! An overgrown baby sees its nurse 
sweetening a dose of rhubarb, and falls into a passion. What is 
the matter % The dose is not for you, child, says the good-natured 
nurse. No matter, no matter, put it up ; if you keep sweetening 
it, by and by i" shall want to lata it ! 

Again, slavery produces amalgamation at the most rapid rate 
possible. Witness the increas-e of mulattos at the South. The 
abolition of slavery would check amalgamation. Are the aboli- 
tionists, then, labouring to produce amalgamation 7 
Abolitionists have never taught that amalgamation is necessary 


to the elevation of the colored people. They always teach the con- 
trary. Believing, as they do, that the colored race is not inferior 
to the whites, they do not suppose that the colored people would 
be elevated by intermarriages. This notion always springs from 
the belief of their inferiority. Accordingly, the opposers of imme- 
diate emancipation have repeatedly asserted that the colored peo- 
ple cannot be elevated without intermarriages. And yet they profess 
to desire that emancipation may ultimately take place. Who, then, 
are in favor of amalgamation, the abolitionists or their opponents. 
Wherever you find the colored people well educated, virtuous 
and enlightened, according to the wishes of the abolitionists, there 
you will find them living in families according to the institution of 
marriage, and forming alliances with those of their own color. The 
amalgamation taking place is connected with the degradation, and 
not with the elevation of the colored people. Why then should 
they be kept in degradation, for fear of amalgamation 7 


The abolitionists hold with the Declaration of Independence, 
" that all men are created equal." What do they mean 1 That all 
men are physically equal 1 That one can have no more wealth than 
another 1 nor more learning than another % That the parent shall 
have no right to the services of his child 1 That the wife shall not 
be in subjection to her own husband ? That criminals shall not be 
deprived of their liberty 1 No. They mean, according to the plain 
dictates of common sense, that, in coming into this world, and going 
through it, all men shall have an equal and fair chance to exercise 
all their powers of body and mind for their own happiness. Of 
course, they mean that no man shall encroach upon another. That 
one man shall have as good a right to acquire wealth as another. 
That one parent shall have as good a right to the services of his 
own children as another. That every wife shall be in subjection 
to her own husband, and to no one else ; and that no man shall be 
deprived of his liberty for an alleged crime " without due process 
of law." Slavery violates natural equality in all these respects ; 
and in the fast respect it is not only contrary to our Declaration of 
Independence, but to the Constitution of the United States. 


This is plain . Public opinion is now wrong. It holds that slavery 
is right under present circumstances, and for the present must be 
continued. This must be set right by presenting facts and argu- 
ments,— a moral influence. The reformation has commenced, both 
at the North and tne South. The more the subject is discussed, by 
the pulpit, by the press, at the bar, in the legislative hall and in pri- 
vate conversation, the faster will the change proceed. When any 
individual slave holder is brought to believe that slavery is sinful, 
he will immediately emancipate his own slaves. When amajority 


of the nation are brought to believe in immediate emancipation^ 
Congress .will, of course, pass a law abolishing slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. When the people of the several slave states are 
brought upon the same ground, they will severally abolish slavery 
wfthin their respective limits. 


Report of the British Delegates. — The London correspondent 
of the New- York Observer gives a brilliant account of the return 
of Drs. Reed and Matheson, and of their reception in London. 
We copy a part of the account of one meeting, where they touch- 
ed on the subject of SLAVERY. 

"As was very proper, they touched a little more upon our vices, 
and I hardly need tell you, that one grand one was slavery. They 
treated us very generously ; but the - mere mention of American 
slavery in England, throws a cloud over our reputation, and for a 
moment seems to extinguish the light of every virtue. In all but 
this, the meeting was as good as last night. The feeling was other- 
wise so delightful, I could have wished that this subject might have 
been left untouched. But alas! it is a sad and sore subject. It 
blights our character, and seems to leave nothing worth having, in 
the eyes of the world, as long as this remains. It was said to me 
to-day, ' It is moral influence that has done it away with us ; how 
can it exist in America, if there is such moral influence there as is 
pretended V O ! I wish you, or some one, could have helped me 
out of this difficulty. Tell them — ' The nation cannot legislate on 
slavery.' ' But,' they say, ' does not the nation legislate over the 
District of Columbia? And besides, we speak of moral influence. 
Where is that ? Can this living and active element of society exist 
among you in proper vigor, and in a wholesome state, and yet you 
tolerate slavery? It seems an inevitable inference, that you are un- 
sound radically — at the core of your life. Boast not of freedom; 
talk not of the prosperity of religion ; say nothing of the improve- 
ment of society among you, till this stain be blotted out.' " 



The Mosaic law regulating ser- 
vitude had its foundation in gene- 
rous compassion for the poor; and 
every one of its provisions is fra- 
med with a view to the relief of 
such ; tends to encourage a kind 
and benevolent disposition in the 
rich and powerful ; and to elevate 
the character of the poor. 


The American slave laws had 
their origin in avarice ; and are 
framed with a view to promote the 
secular interest of the master,and 
tend to produce and foster mean- 
ness of spirit in the slave, and a 
spirit of cruelty and tyranny in 
the master, and thus destroy eve- 
ry generous feeling in both. 




1. Two thirds of all the ser- 
vants in Israel were free at the 
end of six years ; and the fiftieth 
year gave liberty to all. There 
was no hereditary servitude. 

2. Jewish servitude was vo- 
luntary, except where it was the 
penalty annexed to crime. 

3. Servants might contend with 
their masters about their rights ; 
and to despise their cause was 
reckoned a heinous crime. Job 
xxxi. 13. 

4. The law in Israel granted 
freedom to a servant who had 
been cruelly or unreasonably 
punished. Ex. xxi. 26, 27. 

5. Servants in Israel were care- 
fully protected in their domestic 
relations ; so that husbands and 
wives,parents and children, must 
not be separated. In case the mo- 
ther did not get her freedom as 
soon as her husband, the children 
remained with her;and the master 
was bound to receive him to ser- 
vice again, if he chose to live 
with them. 

6. The law of Moses secured 
to servants the means of reli- 
gious instruction and consola- 

7. The law of Moses required 
every one to love the stranger as 
himself, and forbade any one to 
vex or oppress him. 

8. If a servant escaped from his 
master and fled to the land of Is- 
rael, the law commanded every 
one to protect him; and forbade 
any one to deliver him to his 


1. American slavery is perpetu- 
al to the last moment of the 
slave's earthly existence, and 
hereditary to all his descendants 
to the latest posterity. 

2. American slavery is invo- 
luntary.and inflicted for no other 
crime, than having a skin not 
colored like ours. 

3. Slaves can make no con- 
tracts, and can have no legal right 
to any property. All they have 
and are, belong to their masters. 

4. An American slave may be 
punished at his master's discre- 
tion without the means of redress. 
And the master can transfer the 
same despotic power to any other 
person : so that on the side of 
their oppressors there is power ; 
but they have no comforter. 

5. American slaves are entire- 
ly unprotected in their domestic 
relations ; so that husbands and 
wives,parents and children, may 
be separated at the sovereign 
will of the master. 

6. The operation of the laws in 
America tends to deprive slaves 
of religious instruction and con- 
solation; for their whole power 
is exerted to keep slaves in a 
state of the lowest ignorance. 

7. The American law views 
every black stranger an enemy, 
and considers him a slave until 
he proves his freedom. 

8. If a slave escape from his 
master, and flee to any part of the 
UnitedStateSjthe law forbids any 
one to protect him; but commands 
that he be given up to his master. 

Review of Nevirfs Biblical Antiquities. 



There was a little boy who was blind. There was an Asylum for blind child- 
ren in Boston, but the Directors refused to admit him because he was colored! 

Mother, dear mother, do let me go ! 
You promised last week that I should, you know, 
When you told me how happy the blind boys are, 
How they sport and play, and are free from care j 
How they learn with their finger ends to read, 
And go every where with no one to lead. 
And sing like a bird from its tight cage freed — 

Mother, do let me go ! 
They pity the blind boy, they weep for his wo— 
I would, my son, but the men say, No ! 
And love to give (if his skin is white,) 
To his darkened mind, truth's holy light ; 
But how can they see through your sooty skin, 
To be perfectly sure there's a soul within'* 
And to teach a brute — why, 'twould be a sin- 
So the kind hearted men say, No ! 
But mother, I know I've got a soul ! 
It burns in my breast like a living coal — 
It restlessly struggles, and pants to leap out 
From its prison so dreary to wander about: 
Let me go to the men, for although they can't see 
My soul through my skin, yet they can set it free I 
Oh, when I can read, how delightful 't will be- 
But how gloomy *t is now ! 
My son, it would do you no good to go — 
I begged them with tears — but they answered, " No ; 
For how can the children whose skins are white, 
In their studies and sports with a black boy unite 1 
They would hate him so much that they could not stay; 
It would break up their work and spoil their play, 
And their parents would come and take them away." 

So 't will do no good to go. 
But how will they know I am not white 1 
Can they learn (as they do to read and write,) 
By their finger ends 1 And, mother, did they 
Who gave them their houses and money e'er say, 
That a black outside was good reason why 
A blind boy's mind in darkness should lie 1 
Did they do what they ought for the soul that can't die ? 

Or thought they alone of the skin ? 
I would tell you, my child, had I ever been taught ; 
The same questions I asked, but they answered them not ; 
They told me — and scornfully bade me go back — 
" They'd have nothing to do with a boy that was black." 
But though life's richest blessings you ne'er can enjoy, 
And still must remain a blind negro boy, 
Be contented, my son, for 'tis certainly true, 




Albany, N.Y., collection in Mrs. 
Heely's school, . . . $10 00 
Colored people, ... 14 62 
Julius R. Ames, . .' . . 5 00 
A friend, . ... . . 5 00 

Athens,N.Y.,CharlesMariot5 00 
Auburn,N.Y.coloredpeoplel7 49, O. month. sub. 10 00 
Bath, Me., John Taylor, 3 00 
Boston, Mass.,S.E.Sewall, 3 00 
Brighton, N. Y., mon. sub. 4 63 
H.Criarter,25,Barnes,l,50, 1 75 
Buffalo, N. Y., D. Bowen 2 00 
E. A. Marsh, .... 3 00 

A.Bryant,$l; a friend,0,94, 1 94 

W. A. Whiting, . . . 2 00 

R. W. Padleford, . . 3 00 

J. P. Morgan, ... 3 00 

Mon. sub. colored people, 4 57 

Col. of colored people, . 27 28 

Canandaigua,N.Y.,col.peo. 6 12 

Cattskiil, " F. N. Wilson, 5 00 

R. Jackson, 5; a friend, 1/6-00 

Cazenovia, N. Y., L. D. I * r* 

Coman,50,L.Burnell,$5, $ ° ou 

Farmington, N.Y., Friends, 2 00 

Mon.sub.2 25, J.Ellison, 2, 4 25 

G. Harendeen, ... 3 00 

Fayetteville, N. Y., a lady, 94 

A. Goff, 1 ; J. McVickar 3, 4 00 
Geneva, N. Y., col. people, 9 65 
Ithaca, N. Y., col. people, 8 25 
Lansingburg, " " . . 4 95 
Little Falls, " " . . 3 61 
Lockport, " " " . . 2 75 
Mendon, " friends, . 1 75 
Munsville, " collection, 14 75 

John Aid en, mon. sub. 1 00 

Nelson, O., A. S. Soc. . 10 00 

N.York city,Dr.A.L.Cox, 100 00 

John Rankin, mon. sub. 100 00 

Wm. Green, Jr. " " 60 00 

S. S. Jocelyn, " " . 1 00 

T.LJennings,25,friend,12,0 37 

Mon.Concert at Chat. Ch. 3 60 

N. Y. Mills, mon. sub. . 8 12 

B. S. Walcott, ... 5 00 
L. S. Wood, .... 1 00 

N. Ferrisburgh, mon. sub. 9 00 

R: T. Robinson, Yt. . 20 00 

N.Hempstead, L.I.. J.Titus, 50 

Norwich, Conn., mon. sub. 9 50 
Palmyra, N. Y., friend, . 50 

E. S. Townsend, ... 10 00 
Peekskill,N.Y.Dr.J.Brewer,8 00 
Perry, " friends, . 2 50 

J. Andrews, mon. sub. . 12 00 

Mrs. L. L. Andrews, 


Perry Centre, 

Perry village, " 

M. H. Fuller and L. M'Kee : 

H. Phcenix, .... 
Peterboro, G.Smith's school 

A friend, . . . 

F. Dana, mon. sub. 

A. P. Lord, mon. sub. 

A. S. Soc 

Philadelphia, Female A 

mon. sub. 2 months, . 

5 13 

10 31 


20 00 

Pittsburgh,Pa.,J.B.Vashon, 3 00 
Providence, R. I., A. S., 10 00 
Riga, N. Y., H. Brewster, 3 00 
Rochester, N. Y., friends, 2 00 
Colored people, . . . 16 22 
Rome, " friends, ... 8 31 
Skaneateles, " J. C. Fuller, 5 00 
Schenectady, " col. people,12 52 
A friend, ...... 50 

Troy, N. Y., " . 11 19 

Utica, " " . 6 55 

S. Lightbody, .... 20 00 

Four friends, . . . . 10 00 

A. B. Johnson, ... 5 00 
M. Wells, . .... 100 

A. Stewart, Esq. ... 10 00 

J. C. Delong, .... 10 00 

J. Snyder, 1 00 

P. Thurbor, .... 5 00 

S. Kellogg, ... . . . 10 00 

Warsaw, N. Y., mon. sub. 3 75 

J.C.Bronson,l;friends 1 12,2 12 

Weld, Me., J. Abbott, . 6 30 

Westchester,N.Y.,a friend, 20 00 

Whitesboro', B.Green, m. s. 1 00 

Mon.sub. Oneida Institute, 11 00 

R. Hough, ..... 8 00 

Dr. W. A. Clarke, . . 1 00 

Zanesville, O., A. S. Soc. 6 00 

Henry Keep, N. Y., . . 20 00 

Rev. J. McCord, ... 25 


$858 79 



VOL. I. 

FEBRUARY, 1835. 

NO. 2. 


[From Rankin's Letters.] 

"In the summer of 1822, as I returned with my family from a 
visit to the Barrens of Kentucky, I witnessed a scene such as 1 
never witnessed before, and such as I hope never to witness again. 
Having passed through Paris in Bourbon county, Ky. the sound of 
music (beyond a little rising ground) attracted my attention, I look- 
ed forward, and saw the nag of my country waving. Supposing that 
I was about to meer a military parade, I drove hastily to the side 
of the road; and having gained the top of the ascent, I disc >vered 
(I suppose) about forty black men all chained together after the fol- 
lowing manner ; each of them was handcuffed, and they were ar- 
ranged in rank and file. A chain perhaps 40 feet long, the size o 
a fifth-horse chain, was stretched between the two ranks, to which 

Vol. I. 2 


short chains were joined, which connected with the handcuffs. Be- 
hind them were, I suppose, about thirty women in double rank, the 
couples tied hand to hand. A solemn sadness sat on every coun- 
tenance, and the dismal silence of this march of despair was in- 
terrupted only by the sound of two violins ; yes, as if to add insult 
to in jury, the foremost couple were furnished with a violin apiece ; 
the second couple were ornamented with cockades, while near the 
centre waved the Republican flag carried by a hand literally in 
chains. I perhaps have mistaken some punctilios of the arrange- 
ment, for ! my soul was sick,' my feelings were mingled and pun- 
gent. As a man, I sympathized with suffering humanity; as a 
christian, I mourned over the transgressions of God's holy law; 
and as a republican, I felt indignant, to see the flag of my beloved 
country thus insulted. I could not forbear exclaiming to the lord- 
ly driver who rode at his ease along side : c Heaven will curse that 
man who engages in such traffic, and the government that protects 
him in it.' I pursued my journey till evening, and put up for the 
night. When I mentioned the scene I had witnessed, ' Ah !' (cried 
my landlady) ' That is my brother.'. From her I learned that his 
name is Stone, of Bourbon county, Kentucky, in partnership with 
one Kinningham of Paris ; and that a few days before he had pur- 
chased a Negro woman from a man in Nicholas county ; she re- 
fused to go with him ; he attempted to compel her, but she defend- 
ed herself. Without further ceremony, he stepped back, and by a 
blow on the side of her head with the butt of his whip brought her 
to the ground ; he tied her, and drove her off. I learned farther, 
that besides the drove I had seen, there were about thirty shut up 
in. the Paris prison for safe keeping, to be added to the company ; 
and that they were designed for the Orleaus market. And to this 
they are doomed for no other crime, than that of a black skin and 
curled locks. 

Ah me, what wish can prosper, or what prayer, 
For merchants rich in cargoes of despair 1 
Who drive a loathsome traffic, gauge and span, 
And buy the muscles and the bones of man. 


Shall not I visit for these things, saith the Lord 1 shall not my 
soul be avenged on such a nation as this ^ 
But I forbear, and subscribe myself, yours, 

Sept. 30, 1834. 

[For the Anti-Slavery Record] 

This is the grand question, after all. — Let the features of the 
system be dis f inctly understood, and there will remain little ground 


of dissension among good men, either in respect to its character 
or remedy. Vague, indefinite, erroneous, and inadequate concep- 
tions of the thing itself, lie at the bottom of the popular errors in 
respect to slavery and emancipation. 

One good man affirms that the Bible sanctions slavery ; mean- 
ing, no doubt — that he supposes it to sanction something which he 
conceives to be equivalent to American slavery ! Another ima- 
gines that immediate emancipation would be dangerous. A third 
gravely questions whether, after all, the slaves would be " any 
better off" if they were set at liberty. A fourth insists that the 
slaves must first be prepared for freedom. A fifth is in a panic 
lest emancipation should lead to amalgamation. A sixth accounts 
it a marvellous thing that abolitionists propose no plan by which 
the slave holders could abolish slavery, if they were disposed to 
do so. 

Now it is evident that the pertinency and wisdom of these seve- 
ral suggestions cannot be decided upon correctly, except in view 
of the specific things wherein the American slave system consists. 
But who ever thinks of instituting this previous inquiry % 

"We have no occasion to traverse the globe, and ransack the ar- 
chives of antiquity, in this inquiry. The question is not what the 
system of servitude ivas, that existed three thousand years ago, in 
a remote quarter of the world. What is the system of slavery that 
exixs noto, and m this country 1 This is the sole inquiry. 

That system is established by law, and must therefore be defined 
by its own statute-book. And it is an established maxim of histori- 
cal investigation, that "no people were ever found to be better than 
(heir laws, though many have been known to be worse." 

Let then the inquirer examine " Stroud's Sketch of the Laws re- 
lating to Slavery in the several states of the United States of Ameri- 
ca," compiled in 1827. — He will ascertain the following facts in 
■ espect to American slavery. 

1. It regards human beings as mere goods and chattels, " to all 
.ntents, constructions and purposes whatsoever" — " entirely subject 
to the will of their masters, to whom they belong" — holding no re- 
served rights whatever ; not even the rights of conscience. — It re- 
gards the slave as incapable of contracting even the marriage ob- 
Hgation, and therefore "not entitled to the rights and considera- 
tions of matrimony." 

2. It therefore, to the extent of its power, abrogates the moral 
government of God over the slave, and sets up the absol ate will of 
his individual and irresponsible master in its stead. 

3. It withholds the hire of the labourer. 

4. It is a breach of the 8th commandment. — It sanctions in 
America, the very thing which our own laws, and the laws of na- 
tions, punish as " piracy," if committed on the coast of Africa, or 
on the high seas. It covers the Bible definition of " man-stealing," 
if we go upon the supposition that any such crime ever did or can 
exist. No definition of that crime can be framed, which will not 
include the American slave system. Let the experiment be made 


5. It annihilates the family state— prohibits or nullifies marriage 
— severs those whom God has joined together — enjoins or sanctions 
promiscuous intercourse — and thus abrogates the 5th and 7th com- 
mandments of the decalogue. 

6. It holds all the religious privileges of the slave at the mercy 
of his master, whether infidel, papist, or protestant. It does more : 
It prohibits even the master from teaching the slave to read the 
Bible: It forbids schools for "mental instruction:" It punishes the 
assembling of Christian slaves for " divine worship." 

7. It denies to the slave that adequate protection of life and limb 
which is enjoyed by the white man. 

Here is the definition : this is the inventory of the American 
slave system. This is the system of which we speak whenever we 
speak of American slave-holding. These are the things which 
we say should be immediately abolished. Reader ! look at them, 
and see if you can say less. The things we have specified are not 
the appendages, the results, the abuses of the system. They are 
essentially the system itself. Do away these things and we promise 
that you shall hear no more importunate demands from us, or from 
abolitionists, on the subject of Immediate Emancipation. 

Once more, Christian reader ! let us ask you to pause and pon- 
der over the American slave system — item by item. Consult the 
statute book, if you are incredulous. You will find every state- 
ment amply sustained. Take the first item, then the second, the 
third, &c. to the seventh, inclusive. In the face of each of these 
items, bring up distinctly and successively each and every objection 
that has been urged against Immediate Emancipation, and ask 
yourself to decide on its validity. Inquire of your own conscience 
and common sense, in respect to each of the seven ingredients of 
the slave system. 
Does the Bible sanction this part of American slavery % 
Would the immediate relinquishment of this part of the system 
be dangerous 1 

Can you rationally and honestly doubt whether the slave would 
" be any better off" if this part of slavery were now abolished 1 

Can you persuade yourself to say that the slave must first be 
prepared, before this part of the system must be abolished ? Will 
you tell us in what that preparation must consist ? Or how it shall be 
extended to the slave, without the abolition of the slave system 1 Or, 
Would the immediate abolition of this part of slavery occasion 
amalgamation 7 Or, finally, 

Can you seriously think that any plan is needed by the slave- 
holders in order to the immediate abolition of this part of the sys- 
tem 1 

Answer these questions honestly, in the fear of God, and in the 
exercise of equal love to your neighbor. 

Having thus answered all these questions in respect to the first 
item of the American slave system, take up the second in the same 
manner; then the third, and so on to the seventh. And be not 
frightened, we beseech you, if^ in the course of the process you 


Should find yourself— first, a seventh part; then two seventh parts j 
and ultimately seven sevenths (the whole) of an 

Immediate Abolitionist. 


If the slaves are freed, ought not their masters to be paid for 

There are now not less than two -million two hundred and fif- 
ty thousand slaves in the United States. At an average value of 
two hundred and fifty dollars apiece, their price would amount to 
the sum of five hundred and sixty-two and a half millions of dol- 
lars. Nevertheless, if the holders of slaves have a right to this 
sum, it ought to be paid ; for the slaves have a right to their free- 
dom now, and cannot justly be made to serve as slaves another 
moment. It is said that government by licensing slavery has be- 
come a participator in the guilt, and if, after having established 
property in human flesh, it proceeds to abolish the same, those 
whose property may be thus destroyed will have a just claim on 
the government for the full value. Let us for the sake of the argu- 
ment suppose this to be true. — We remark then, 

1. The government of the United States, as it never has had any 
control over slavery except in the District of Columbia and Terri- 
tories can only pay for those whom it has power to set free. If 
those who advocate compensation are in earnest, let them go 
on and urge Congress to pay for and free the slaves under its 

2. If a government sets free the 'slaves under its jurisdiction, it 
does not necessarily destroy property to the market value of the 
slaves, or at all. Slavery is worth to the slaveholders only what 
they can make by it— their profits. Now if a slaveholder can 
make as much by cultivating his plantation by free labor as by 
that of slaves, how can he be the loser by the abolition of Slavery 'J 
As a matter of fact, well proved, a planter can make as much by 
free labor as by that of slaves, unless he overdrives and under- 
feeds his slaves. But we are told that this is very seldom the case 
at the south — the slaves are very happy — better off" than northern 
free laborers. Then it is of course true, that what by supporting 
his slaves so well — women and children— the old, the sick, and 
all — and what with their natural wastefulness as slaves, — and what 
with the expense of overseeing and governing them, the planter 
might as well pay wages to free laborers. Slavery is worth no- 
thing to him. If the government destroys it, it destroys nothing 
of his — except indeed the power of selling off the stock — that is, 
of committing, according to the United States law, an act of "pi- 
racy," and filling his pockets with the proceeds of it as a preface to 
a course of honest industry. The government no more destroys 




the property of the slaveholder, on this supposition, by abolishing 
slavery, than it would by abolishing the domestic slave trade and 
letting slavery alone. 

Again, slavery is profitable, by overworking and unde? feeding. 
Now the advocates of slavery, and all who claim compensation, 
must admit one of two things. Either, that the representations of 
the good condition of the slaves, which we constantly hear, are 
false ; or that the masters have no just ground of compensation . 
If they admit the former, then we will admit that the slaveholders 
may lose profits by an act of abolition, and will consequently 
have as good a claim to compensation, as any men can have for 
•easing to defraud their fellow men — as good, for instance, as the 
Barbary States have for giving up piracy. But we do not see how 
they can justly urge this claim upon the people of the North, 
whom they have been striving to persuade that the slaves are 
so well treated that they are rather a burden than a source of 
profit ! 

Once more, after all the reparation has been made to the slaves 
which the nature of the case admits, we have no objection that 
those slaveholders who have not been known to overwork, nor un- 
derfeed, nor leave their slaves destitute of comfortable shelter and 
clothing, upon due proof of having suffered loss, shall be indem- 
nified at the expense of the country at large. When the country 
shall be once awaked to the justice of unconditional emancipation, 
the government will need no instruction of ours to teach them how 
to settle this matter. 


What does it mean 1 What is the thing forbidden by the prohi- 
bition thou shalt not steal? I will try to explain what I think 
about it. A man came into my office, the other day, and took off 
a book, when I was out, and nobody saw him. Don't you think he 
stole it? No; and the reason is, that it belonged to him. Taking 
a thing secretly is not stealing, if the thing belongs to you. But 
last fall I saw a man come into my neighbor's garden, and my 
neighbor saw him too, and carry oil' a basket full of pears. I sup- 
pose in taking these pears he violated the eighth commandment 
just as much as if neither of us had seen him. The stealing— the 
thing of which he was guilty, was taking my neighbor's pears 
without his permission. He might have said that he did not know 
they were my neighbor 's, but he did know they were not his. 

But he took only a few pears, how could such a trifling thing be 
a violation of the 8th Commandment ? Because, the commandment 
is not, " Thou shall not steal much;" but, thou shalt not steal. A 
little theft is still a theft. 


But again., suppose the thief had taken all there was in the gar- 
den, would he have been less guilty, or would he have been less a 

A step further, suppose he had taken possession of my neigh- 
bor's house and all its furniture, and used it as his own. Would 
he then have been more innocent 1 You say no. The more a man 
steals the greater thief is he. Then we will go a step further. 
The man, after taking all my neighbor's goods, takes him, and his 
wife, and children, and sells them. In this new act what command- 
ment is it that he breaks'? Which is it if not the eighth'? He 
certainly takes that which belongs to his neighbor. A man's body 
is more sacredly his property than his house, for he cannot give it 
aivay. To say that a man willingly becomes the slave — that is, 
the property, the machine of another, is to say that a man is will- 
ing to do, not what he himself pleases, but what somebody else 

Again, the man who buys my neighbor is guilty of the same 
crime as the man who stole him. If he had bought a stolen horse 
he might plead ignorance of the theft. But now he buys — whaf? 
my neighbor 1 Rather the thief's right to my neighbor. He buys 
of a manifest thief a piece of property of which the true owner is 
present, and is by no means consulted in the bargain ! He continues 
the thief s act. Every day that he keeps my neighbor in servitude, 
he does merely repeat the same crime which was committed when 
liberty was taken away. Suppose that the thief instead of grasp- 
ing all my neighbor's earnings by making him a slave, had con- 
trived the means of taking apart of them secretly, when deposited 
in the form of dollars in. his desk — and suppose he had sold his in- 
vention, — his k jy, — to another who should continue the same use of 
it. Would not this be a continuation of theft 1 And suppose that 
the key giving access to my neighbor's earnings should be handed 
down from father to son, becoming a regular matter of property, 
worth so much a year — being applied daily so as to keep my neigh- 
bor and his descendants always poor, at what point of time would 
this abstraction of earnings become an honest business'? Now 
what odds does it make in point of criminality, whether a man 
comes at his neighbor's earnings by means of a key or by means of 
whips, branding irons, and thumbscrews 1 Does not the thing for- 
bidden — the crime consist in taking without his consent that which 
is my neighbor's 1 No matter how long a man has been a slave or 
his ancestors before him, the keeping him a slave is a continuous act 
or habit of taking from him that which is his. Now it may be said 
that slaveholding has become so fashionable, that men are uncon- 
scious of the wrong ; it may be said that it is according to law, &c. 
but let it be remembered that these apologies — whether worth 
much or little, are all apologies for stealing ! ! If a person has 
not come to the conclusion that slavery — such as we have in this 
republic, — is stealing, he has not got hold of the truth which is to 
overthrow slavery. Talk about the Bible justifying slavery, or 


etting it alone ! No, the Bible says " Thou skalt not steal,"— 
and so says conscience — and so says common sense. Now if you 
can prove that the Bible also permits Slavery, then you prove that 
it contradicts common sense, and conscience, and itself. You do 
not establish Slavery but you destroy the Bible. 

Look friends. Here is a clear theft on the part of the white peo- 
ple of this Christian country of $562,500,000. This capital is 
kept from 2,250,000 people, and without it they must forever be abso- 
lutely poor. And what do we see 1 The great and the small, the 
good and the bad, the wise and the foolish, are all crying out that 
this theft, because it is so big a theft, is no theft at all I 



The following was the confession of a man on his death-bed, 
who had for some years gained a disgraceful subsistence in Phila- 
delphia, by catching slaves who had made their escape, and resto 
ring them to their masters. It was related by a person who was 
called upon one evening, and solicited to attend, by the slave ta- 
ker's wife, who had herself only arrived the day before, having 
been for some years separated from her husband. The account is 
taken from " Mott's Anecdotes of Persons of Color."- 

" Among other transactions of that period, was the apprehension 
of a man called James, the recollection of which torments me in- 
expressibly. He had belonged to the estate of Mr. R. of Albe 
marie comny. At the death of Mr. R., James passed into the 
hands of those who treated him very ill, and he ran away. When 
I first fell in with him, he lived on a small lot in New Jersey, with 
his wife, a free woman, whom he had married in Virginia, and con- 
trived to bring with him, and three children. After losing my 
way, and travelling some hours on foot, I came to his little habita- 
tion late at night. He treated me very kindly, gave me food, and 
his own bed, while himself and his wife occupied chairs by the 
fire ; and in the morning he walked with me several miles, to put 
me in the right way : it "was in vain that I offered him a small re- 
ward — he would not take it. Months had passed away, when by 
chance my eyes saw an old a ■ vertisement, offering a large reward 
for his apprehension. I kne ifr at once it was James, for I had ob- 
served a remarkable scar on fris chin, which was mentioned in the 
description of him. Hard an my heart then was, and callous to 
every feeling of humanity, I could not help shuddering at the 
thought of betraying my kind friend ; hut the prospect of gain soon 
made my decision. I wrote to his master, and received his an- 


swer. All things were prepared, and I was to have fifty dollars 
more than the sum mentioned in the advertisement. I went alone 
again to his quiet retreat ; it was in winter, the weather had been 
piercing cold, and the river Delaware was closed. I arrived at 
early twilight. How bitter have my thoughts been since, when I 
have recollected the honest satisfaction that gleamed in his sable 
countenance when I approached ! During the evening, I proposed 
to him a removal into Pennsylvania ; I told him I had a few acres 
of land, suitable for a garden, and a comfortable dwelling-house, in 
the neighborhood of the city ; and that recollecting his former 
kindness to me, I had come to persuade him to occupy the one, 
and improve the other, for which I could afford to give him high 
wages. The poor man agreed to accompany me the next day, to 
look at the premises ; and if they pleased him, to take possession 
of them on the first of April. Early in the morning, I was awaked 
by preparations for breakfast ; and they were delighted with my 
taking so much notice of them as I did, and with mf gratitude for 
the services they had rendered me. The whole family were cheer- 
ful. We parted with light hearts, James and I reached the river 
in due time, and entered on the ice. Hitherto, we had walked 
side by side, but now he fell a little behind me, and we had pro- 
ceeded but a little way, when I perceived the ice to give way, and 
I immediately went down as far as my arms, which I stretched 
out, and so supported myself for some minutes, until James threw 
me the end of his great coat, to which I held, and he pulled me 
out, and taking me on his shoulder, carried me, very much ex- 
hausted, to the shore." 

Here the sick man closed his eyes, and lay for a short time; 
when reviving, he resumed the affecting narrative : " On my com- 
ing to myself again, I found what my intended innocent victim had 
been prompted to do, by feelings of humanity and gratitude, and 
that he had rescued me from inevitable destruction. Shall I tell 
you what followed V " Oh, my husband!" exclaimed the dying 
man's wife, " you could not have persevered in your wicked pur- 
pose — you never could have sent the man into slavery who had 
preserved your life !" " Yes, I could ! I did !" replied the hus- 
band, " cold-blooded villain that I was ! The very day which wit- 
nessed my danger and my delivery, saw me assist in binding, 
chaining hand and foot, him to whom I was indebted for my worth- 
less life ! Separated from his wife and children, and freedom, he 
departed without uttering a single word. Once, and once only, he 
suffered his eyes to dwell for an instant on mine, which sunk be- 
fore their glare. Never can I forget that agonizing and despair- 
ing glance; it haunts me in broad daylight; if is with me in the 
deepest shades of night !" 

Here the black servant of the person to whom this account 
was given, had risen up, and stood behind his master, his eyes 
glistening with tears that trickled down his ebon cheeks ; when 
the sick man's eyes lighting upon him, he exclaimed in the extre- 
mity of anguish, " James is there ; behind you, sir; he is come to 


torment rne already ! Take him away ; take him away !" he re- 
peated slowly, and sunk into a slumber from which he never awoke ! 

[For the Anti-Slavery Record.] 

Last Spring a worthy colored man called upon me, requesting my 
assistance in behalf of a fugitive slave. I went with him to see the 
fugitive, who was at the house of a friend. He was a smart fine 
looking young man, about twenty-one years of age. To learn a 
little of his history, I fell into the following conversation with him: 

&. Where have you come froml 

A. The Eastern Shore, Maryland. 

CI. Why did you leave your master *? Was he cruel to you 1 

A. No, he was called one of the best masters on all the Eastern 
Shore. But, he had got in debt badly, and was going to sell me. Two 
weeks ago, last Tuesday, I heard him making a bargain to sell me to 
a speculator for one thousand dollars, and I was to be taken off the 
next Friday — so the next Thursday night I got ready and started. 

Q,. Did you leave friends behind 1 

A. Yes. A father and mother, and seven brothers and sisters. 

d. Are they slaves % 

A. Yes. All belong to the same man. 

'CI. Were they willing to have you come 1 

A. Yes, they helped me off; they allowed, (supposed,) if I could 
get free, I would some time help them. 

GL Would you have come away if your master had not been 
about to sell you ^ 

A. Not so soon. But I always meant to get out of slavery — a 
man never comes to any thing in slavery, if he works ever so hard. 

I agree with you, said I ; and will help you to a country where 
you may be free ; but I am ashamed to say that you must go be- 
yond our " free" United States. 

With a little money, a change of clothes, and some letters to kind 
friends on the way, he went on rejoicing. I have since heard of 
his safe arrival and prosperity, on a soil not laid under a curse to 
uphold slavery. 

Let me ask of the slaveholder, would you have expected less of 
me had you been in the case of this poor slave 1 

I wish this published for the sake of one remark. It illustrates 
the fate of those slaves who have kind masters. Such masters are 
even more likely than others to fall in debt. 

Then, their well treated slaves must be sold to satisfy creditors, 
and to taste the tender mercies of the domestic slave trade, and the 
sugar plantations of Georgia and Louisiana. E. 



Being in Philadelphia a few days since, I was invited after view- 
ing the room in which the Declaration of Independence was signed, 
to ascend the tower of the old State House, to take a view of the 
city. The view was delightful. On our ascent, we did not fail to 
examine the celebrated Bell. It weighs 2300 pounds, and was 
cast 23 years before the Declaration of Independence was signed. 
On that occasion it was rung, and has been rung every 22d Feb- 
ruary and 4th of July since. It is remarkable that the following 
inscription was on the bell when it was cast. It was considered a 
sort of prophecy : " Proclaim liberty throughout all the land, 
and to all the inhabitants thereof." May not the emancipation- 
ists in Philadelphia, hope to live to hear the same bell rung, when 
liberty shall in fact be proclaimed to all the inhabitants of this favor- 
ed land 1 Hitherto, the bell has not obeyed the inscription ; and its 
peals have been a mockery, while one sixth of " all the inhabitants" 
are in abject slavery. 


Every attentive reader of the Bible is aware that the pleading the 
cause of the oppressed and needy is very seriously enjoined upon 
all men, as an imperious duty. — And the people of God are very 
frequently characterized and identified as such, in the sacred vo- 
lume, from the fact of their abounding in the discharge of this duty. 
— It was an important item in the character of Job. The cause 
which he knew not, he searched out. It was the burden of admo- 
nition with the Hebrew prophets. — It was not forgotten by the apos- 
tles. — " Remember them that are in bonds as bound with them." — 
Consult Jeremiah v. 1-28. — Isaiah lix. 13, 15. — Jeremiah vii. 3, 5. 
— xxi. 12. xxii. 3. 13. 17. — and indeed the whole Bible. But when, 
and where, and by whom, do we hear this duty inculcated in the 
American churches 1 — From what pulpks is it heard 1 — In what 
publications is it read 1 

"Will it be said that we live in an age and nation so free from 
oppression, that this duty has become obsolete, and its observance 
unnecessary 7 

If so, let it be shown by a statement of facts. Let us be present- 
ed in detail with a specification of those oppressions that existed 
among God's ancient people, when the prophets were commission- 
ed to " agitate the delicate subject. 5 * — Let us see the evidence that 
some system of slavery then existed, so much more iniquitous and 
heaven daring than ours, as to call for reproofs which are not need- 
ed in American Israel. 

If this cannot be done, then let the Bible and its expositors speak 
out on the neglect of this great duty — the duty of pleading the 
cause of the oppressed and needy. 



Shall the United States — the free United States, which could not bear the bonds 
of a king, cradle the bondage which a king is abolishing 1 Shall a Republic be 
less free than a Monarchy 1 Shall we, in the vigor and buoyancy of our manhood, 
be less energetic in righteousness, than a kingdom in its age 1 — C. Stewart. 

Shall every flap of England's flag 

Proclaim that all around are free, 
Prom ' farthest Ind' to each blue crag 

That beetles o'er the Western Sea 1 
And shall we scoif at Europe's kings, 

When Freedom's fire is dim with us, 
And round our country's altar clings 

The damning shade of Slavery's curse 7 

Go — let us ask of Constantine 

To loose his grasp on Poland's throat — 
And beg the lord of Mahmoud's line 

To spare the struggling Suliote. 
Will not the scorching answer come 

From turban ed Turk, and fiery Russ — 
" Go, loose your fettered slaves at home, 

Then turn and ask the like of us 1" 

J. G. Whittier. 



From December 20th, 1834, to Jan. 20th, 

Carlisle, Pa., H. Duffield, mon. sub. 
Champlain, N. Y. J. Churchill 
Cincinnati, Ohio, William Donaldson . 
Hartford, Pa.. O. Thatcher . 
Huntington, Ira Nichols, 2 ; David Hawley 
Huntsburg, Ohio, A. Clark, Jr. 
New Garden, Ohio, William Griffith, mon. sub. 
New York City, J. Rankin, mon. sub. . 

William Green, Jr. . . . . 

William Jay . < 

W. H. Mabbs 

North Yarmouth, Me. James C. Hill . 
Perry, N. Y., S. F. Phoenix, mon. sub. 
Philadelphia, Female A. S., L. Mott 
Portland, Female A. S. " " 

Rochester, N. Y., W. W. Reid " " 
Tallmadge, Ohio, Mrs. C. Wright " " 
Waterville Me., George Le Row " " 
Western Reserve College, Ohio, F. W. Upson 

Mrs. Dea, E. Penfield . 
Sales at the Office 


$ 5 00 
1 00 
8 00 
3 00 
3 00 
5 00 

100 00 

83 33 

1 50 

1 50 

2 00 
12 00 

5 00 
10 00 
25 00 

3 00 

6 50 
6 37 
1 00 

123 96 


$406 66 



VOL. I. 

MARCH, 1835. 

NO. 3. 

See p. 27. 

A punishment, practised in the United States, for the crime 
of loving liberty. 


It is often said, in apology for American Slavery, that, though 
the system is wrong in the abstract, when we come to the matter 
of fact, the slaves are about as happy as labouring people can be. 
Let us leave theory, and inquire whether facts do teach this 
strange doctrine. When people are in a happy and prosperous 
condition, we do not expect to see them anxious to get o'iit of it, 
or rambling to the ends of the earth, enduring hunger, cold, and 
nakedness, and facing all manner of dangers, to get into some other 
condition — they know not what. How is it in regard to the slaves 1 

VoL I. 3 


In seventeen Southern Newspapers, taken at random, rewards 
amounting to $1450 are offered for thirty-four runaioays. Run- 
away slaves are constantly passing through the free States to Ca- 
nada, where they are kindly received. Some escape to Texas. 
Many betake themselves to swamps and cane brakes, and in those 
dismal places live by the greatest hardship, till overtaken by their 
cruel oppressors. One of the reasons why the Southern States ad- 
vocated the purchases of Louisiana and Florida, was that they 
might be able to recover their runaways, as well as to open a mar- 
ket for their surplus slaves, and increase the number of slave-hold- 
ing States. For the same reason they now urge the purchase of 

Judge Upshur, speaking before the Virginia Convention in 1829, 
says, in regard to the value of slaves in Western Virginia: "And 
besides, Sir, their vicinity to non-slave-holding* States, must forever 
render this sort of property precarious and insecure. It will not 
do to tell me that Ohio no longer gives freedom, nor even shelter, 
to the runaway ; that Pennsylvania is tired of blacks, and is ready 
to aid in restoring them to their owners. The moral sentiment of 
these states is against slavery ; and that influence will assuredly be 
felt, notwithstanding the geographical line, or narrow river, which 
may separate them from us." He was pleading in support of sla- 

Mr. Doddridge, before the same Convention, said of slave pro- 
perty : "It has heretofore been of but little value, near the Ohio 
river, because runaways received aid and protection from the peo- 
ple in the new territories and States." From the then recent per- 
secution of coloured people in Ohio, he argues that there will be 
Jess of this in future, and proceeds to say : " Matters in Canada 
must soon take a turn. I have no doubt that there are many West- 
ern Citizens who will purchase slaves again, when the causes be- 
fore mentioned, shall render the property secure. These considera- 
tions, with the acquisition of Texas, will greatly enhance the value 
of the property in question." 

Here are facts, which show not only a great actual frequency of 
running away from happiness, but a general tendency to it, which 
can only, with the greatest difficulty, be repressed. Do we find 
the hired labourers of the North running away in such numbers, 
and their employers taking so much pains to prevent it 1 

Not only are great rewards offered by the masters, and in some 
States by law, t for the capture of runaways, but very severe punish- 
ment awaits them on their recovery. The uniform testimony is, 
that punishment for running away is inevitable and severe. 

No master can forgive the culprit who is caught in this crime, 

* SlaY»3-holders do not like to say 'free States.' 
t See Revised code of Virginia. 


The master is judge, jury, and executioner. He is not generally 
restrained even by his pecuniary interest, in the person and labor 
of the slave ; for if he has others, his grand object is to inspire 
THEM with the greatest possible 'terror : Again, in a community 
where all (that is, whites,) are interested in suppressing the crime, 
no extreme of cruelty in its punishment can be very unpopular. Is 
it to be wondered, then, that the master, clothed in an absolute and 
uncontrollable despotism, and supported by public sentiment, should 
frequently proceed to such horrid barbarities, as are described in 
the following authentic anecdotes 1 

A Southern gentleman, in the debate at Lane Seminary, thus 
describes the punishment of the paddle. 

" A bricklayer, a neighbor of ours, owned a very smart young 
negro man, wno ran away ; but was caught. When his master 
got him home, he stripped him naked, tied him up by his hands, in 
plain sight and hearing of the academy and the public green, so 
high that his feet could not touch the ground ; then tied them toge- 
ther, and put a long board between his legs to keep him steady. 
After preparing him in this way, he took a paddle, bored it full of 
holes, and commenced beating him with it. He continued it lei- 
surely all da} r . At night his flesh was literally pounded to a jelly. 
It was two weeks before he was able to walk. No one took any 
rotice of it. No one thought any wrong was done." 

The following instance occurred near Natchez : (See N. Y. 
Evangelist, for Jan. 31, 1835.) 

" A planter purchased a notorious runaway. He gave him to 
understand that he could elope if he chose, probably in a tone 
which warned him of the consequences. The negro took him at 
his word, but was soon taken and flogged very severely. His mas- 
ter then opened the gate, and told him to go again ; he did so, but 
was in a few days retaken. His master then flogged him, if I re- 
collect, till he fainted, and yoked him in the fence, between the 
rails, during the day. The wretched negro escaped the third time, 
but was able to elude pursuit only for a few days. — This time his 
master beat him till his back was almost raw, knocked out his eye 
teeth, yoked him in the fence, and poured spirits of turpentine over 
his bleeding wounds. The poor negro fainted on account of the 
intensity of his sufferings. My informant received his account 
from the planter himself." 

Not less abhorrent to all feelings of humanity and mercy, are 
the modes of capturing runaways. The same writer in the Evan- 
gelist, whose statements were "written to an eminent lawyer in this 
State r and bear all the marks of candor and accuracy, and accord 
with a cloud of other witnesses, says : 

" Occasionally, armed parties of whites go in pursuit of them, 
who make no secret of their determination to shoot down all that 


refuse to surrender — which they sometimes do. In one instance a 
negro who was closely pursued, instead of heeding the order to 
surrender, waded into a shallow pond beyond the reach of his pur- 
suers ; refusing still to yield, he was shot through the heart by one 
of the party. This occurred near Natchez, but no notice was taken 
of it by the civil authorities ; but in this they were consistent, for 
the city patrols or night watch are allowed to do the same thing 
with impunity, though it is authorized by no law." 

" Another mode of capturing runaways is by bloodhounds ; this . 
I hope is rarely done. An instance was related to me in Clair- 
borne country, Miss. A runaway was heard about the house in 
the night. The hound was put upon his track, and in the morning 
was found watching the dead body of the negro. The dogs are 
trained to this service while young. A negro is directed to go 
into the woods, and secure himself upon a tree. When sufficient 
time has elapsed for doing this, the hound is put upon his track. 
The blacks also are compelled to worry them till they make them 
their implacable enemies ; and it is common to meet with dogs, 
which will take no notice of whites, though entire strangers, but 
will suffer no black beside the house servants to enter the yard. 
Captured runaways are confined in jail till claimed by their own- 
ers. If they are not claimed within the' time prescribed by law, 
they are sold at public sale, and in the mean time are employ- 
ed as scavengers, with a heavy ball and chain fastened to one of 
their ancles," 

Now, if after all this, slaves continue to run away whenever 
they can get an opportunity, shall we be told that they would not 
take their liberty if it were given them 1 


This depends upon the question whether slaveholding is a SIN. 
If it is, the Church of Christ has much to do with it. If it is a sin 
at ai^ it is a very great Sin. It almost shuts out the blessings of 
the Gospel, from one sixth part of our people. It sends a corrupt- 
ing influence over our whole nation. Look at the 2,250,000 im- 
mortal beings used as property, as machines for making money. 
The evil is too mighty to be seen at one view. Take a single slave ; 
follow him through a life of hard labour without wages : — See how 
his mind, deprived of proper instruction, shrinks and dwindles 
under the whip and the fetter. See how his heart, plundered of 
its holy affections, is delivered over to brutality and corruption. 
Go to the slave-auction ! See human forms, from infancy to gray 
hairs, sold under the hammer. See human souls bartered away 
for " cash." See families that God hath joined together, separa- 
ted — never again to meet in this world. Count, if you can, the 
groans, fathom the bitter woes, occasioned by these separations. 


Sum up the thousands of such scenes that take place every year 
in the great DOMESTIC SLAVE-TRADE. Go along with the 
chained drove, from the Potomac to the Mississippi. — Then again, 
glance your eye upon the varied shades and features of these un- 
happy slaves, and see the sure evidence that white masters traffic 
in the souls and bodies of their own children* Follow out the in- 
vestigation into its details, and you will begin to learn the great- 
ness of the sin. 

But go forward a little further. Follow to the judgment bar of 
Christ, all the souls that have been trained up in slavery. Before 
the same bar will stand the American Church. Will not this im- 
mense and woful havoc of souls — which God created in his image, 
and for which Christ died — be one of the first things to be inquir- 
ed into by the Judge 1 Will not every individual christian be 
asked, " What hast thou done in this matter 7 ?" 

Now look and see what the church is doing. See how, in its 
largest denominations, it embraces in its bosom slaveholders of all 
sorts. How it abstains from reproof. How, in its most solemn as- 
semblies, slaveholders are mingled and sit down together at the 
table of the same Lord. Christians at the north say they are oppo- 
sed to slavery. Count the number of ministers whom they have 
sent to the south, who are now slaveholders. Ask whether these 
slaveholding preachers are ever kept out of the pulpit, when they 
visit the North. How many ministers preach against slavery, 
either at the South or the North 1 Count the number of churches 
that bear a testimony against the sin by excluding slaveholders, 
like other open sinners, from their communion. 

Now, can any christian man in his senses say, after such an ex- 
amination, that the church is ready to answer to God for American 
Slavery 1 No — The first thing that the Church has to do with sla- 
very is, to repent, and purify itself from the practice of it. The 
second is, to repent of the great sin of attempting to justify slavery 
from Scripture. The third is, to repent ajid show toward the inju- 
red victims of slavery, the spirit of Him who came to open the 
prison doors, to unbind the captive, and let the oppressed go free. 


* In 1834, a man who had resided three years in New- York, and bore a good 
character, was taken out of his bed at midnight, and with his wife and son. 
carried back into slavery by his own cousin. 

In the same year, a white man of Newbern, N. C, carried his four slave 
children to New-Orleans, by way of New- York, having sold his wife, their mo- 
ther, to a New-Orleans trader, three years before. 

In the same year, a man by the name of Phillips was taken up in New- York, 
by a " Speculator,' ; to whom he had been sold by his father, and carried to Vir- 
ginia as a slave. Many honorable names might be mentioned in connexion 
with such facts. 




Mr. Dickson of N. Y., in presenting a number of petitions, 
among others, one from 800 ladies, praying for the Abolition of 
Slavery in the District, made some very forcible and appropriate 
remarks. He did not mince the matter, but threw the live coals of 
truth upon the very nest of abominations. His motion to refer 
the petitions to a select committee was laid on the table by a vote 
of 117 to 77. Had even New England and New York given a 
righteous vote, it would have been otherwise. A specimen is 
given below : 

" The petitioners complain, that, by the laws of the United 
States, the slave trade, in and through the District of Columbia, 
is permitted to be carried on with distant States, and that this 
District is the principal mart of the slave trade of the Union. 

Sir, the foreign slave trade with Africa is condemned by the 
laws of this country, of England, of France, and by those of al- 
most every nation of the civilized world, as piracy ; and those 
who carry it on are denounced as outlaws, and the common ene- 
mies of the human race. And yet we tolerate, in this District, 
and at our seat of government, a traffic productive of as much 
pain, anguish, and despair, of as deep atrocity, and as many ac- 
cumulated horrors, as the slave trade with Africa. 

And here, there are no foreign powers to compete with us ; we 
have no rivals ; the trade is all ours, and the odium and the guilt 
are all our own. 

Private cells and prisons have been erected by the slave traders 
in the District, in which the negro is incarcerated until a cargo 
of slaves, of 'human chattels,' can be completed. The public 
prisons of the District, built with the money of the whole people 
of the United States, have been used for the benefit of the slave 
traders, and the victims of this odious traffic have been confined 
within their walls. The keepers of those prisons, paid out of the 
monies of the whole people, have been the jailers of the slave 
traders, until their drove, their cargo of human beings, could be 

The petitioners complain that a traffic so abhorrent to the feel- 
ings of the philanthropist, so replete with suffering and wo, is ap- 
proved and licensed by the Corporation of the City of Washing- 
ton, which receives four hundred dollars a year for each license, 
thus increasing her treasures by the express sanction of so odious 
a trade. Finally, the petitioners complain of the existence of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, as the source of all the be- 
fore mentioned evils, and others too numerous now to detail. — 
They consider it as unchristian, unholy, and unjust, not warrant- 


ed by the laws of God, and contrary to the assertion in our De- 
claration of Independence, that ' all men are created equal.' " 


The doctrine of immediate emancipation, and kind treatment 
of colored people, is everywhere called a most dangerous doctrine. 
The reason is this. It has a principle of life in it. It is truth, 
and being once brought to the full notice of men, it will and must 
go forward. Lies cannot' stop it, ridicule cannot, mobs cannot. 
Discussion may be suppressed, lips may be sealed, the press may 
be muzzled, but the leaven of thought is at work. Thousands of 
minds are constantly on the stretch to fortify themselves against 
self-evident truths, and to avoid conclusions inevitable from their 
own premises. A vain struggle this. " I am afraid to read your 
pamphlets," said a worthy minister to an Anti-Slavery agent, 
"lest I should be obliged to come over !" He is now an aboli- 

Few and feeble as have been the means, in comparison with 
the difficulty of the object, and the strength of the opposition, great 
effects have already been produced. More than 150 thorough- 
going Anti-Slavery Societies are registered. Four of these are 
State Societies. So far as returns will enable us to judge of the 
number of members, they are not less than 7500. So far as these 
are concerned, prejudice against color is levelled with the ground. 
By the labors of four agents employed by the Society, and the 
two noble champions of humanity, Stuart and Thompson, from 
England, and those of the devoted Mr. Birney of Kentucky, the 
number of abolitionists is daily and most rapidly increasing. Mr. 
Birney is cheered by the conversion to his sentiments of many 
strong men in Kentucky. Mr. Weld in Ohio, is lecturing with 
his usual zeal and eloquence, and his success is not less remark- 
able than that which attended his lectures on Temperance. There 
is a fair prospect of forming a powerful State Society in Ohio. 
Mr. Stuart has produced the happiest impression in Ohio and 
New- York. By the wise and well directed labors of Mr. Phelps, 
State Societies have been formed in Maine and New Hampshire, 
and a mighty impulse has been given to the cause in those States. 
The eloquence of Mr. Thompson has opened a way for him to 
the heart of New England, through prejudices apparently less pe- 
netrable than its own everlasting granite. At first, all doors 
seemed to be shut against him, as if the opening of those lips 
which plead successfully for the freedom of 800,000 British slaves, 
would be the destruction of our liberties. Now he is lecturing to 
delighted auditories in the churches of such places as Portland, 
Providence, Salem, and Boston. In spite of the reproach that 


has been so inhospitably hurled at him, as a <! foreign emissary," 
those who have listened to his appeals, do not hesitate to predict 
that America will yet be proud to adopt him as the Lafayette of 
her moral revolution. 

In opening to colored youth the best facilities of education, pro- 
gress has been made. The school at Canterbury was not suspend- 
ed, till it had shown just when and how prejudice sets its foot 
upon the neck of the injured race. Schools of a similar kind are 
multiplying — They are already too numerous to be crushed. In 
Cincinnati, four or five flourishing schools have been established 
by the Students of Lane Seminary. Noyes Academy in New 
Hampshire, is cordially opened to all without respect to color. 
The same is true of the Oneida Institute, a Seminary of the high- 
est order under the efficient Presidency of Rev. Beriah Green. 
These offers will be most gladly embraced by those for whose be- 
nefit they are intended. 

Again, the correctness of the doctrines advocated by the Anti- 
Slavery Society, is coming to be universally admitted. The re- 
cent organization of a new Society " for the improvement of the 
colored race," shows that the public mind is coming to the convic- 
tion that the colored race must forever remain with us. This is a 
great point gained. For as soon as they are felt to be mfact and 
in right, our own countrymen, the christian benevolence of the 
country will be emancipated from its bondage. It wi'l flow out 
to meet the colored man ; it will take him by the hand as a bro- 
ther ; it will lift from his shoulders the crushing burden ; it will 
proclaim his rights — and the fetters of the slave will fall asunder. 

Nothing is wanting to insure complete and speedy victory, but 
el firm adherence to those righteous principles that have thus far 
triumphed beyond a parallel. 


A complete history of Christian Slavery, taking in the acts of 
individual Slaveholders, together with Slave laws, and decisions 
in courts of justice, would be a work containing more absurdities 
in reasoning, and more savage injustice, than could be collected 
from the history of any savage or heathen nation in existence. 

A decree of the Royal court of Martinique, as given in a 
French Review, (edited by a colored man in Paris,) will furnish 
a specimen of what such a work would contain. 

" The court condemns Elysee (aged 15 years) to be hung until 
he is dead; and his body to be cast into the ditch, for having 
formed the project to run away, and thus having attempted to rob 
his master of the amount of his own value ; and further, that 


Agnes his mother assist in the execution, as she hid her son, pro- 
curing him an asylum under pretext of pity, and furnished him 
with food and sustenance." 


From George Thompsons speech at Manchester, in reply to Peter 


"Yes! resumed Mr. Thompson, this is all very beautiful : but 
then, St. Paul sent Onesimus back to Philemon ! Well then, about 
this Onesimus. In the first place, does the gentleman know that 
this Onesimus was a slave in the sense that the negroes in the West 
Indies are slaves 1 Second. Did Philemon possess a property in his 
life and limbs, as the West India slave-owners say they have in the 
life and limbs of the negroes I He should have proved this before 
he justified slavery, because St. Paul sent Onesimus back to Phile- 
mon. We find in the 18th chapter of Matthew, that a certain king 
would take account of his servants. Now, the word doulos, trans- 
lated servant there, is the same which is translated servant in the 
epistle to Philemon ; and we find there, that one unfaithful doulos 
owed his master ten thousand talents. How could an abject slave 
owe ten thousand talents'? But mark the conduct of his mas- 
ter. He orders the slave and his family to be sold, that he may 
be repaid. Resells his own property to pay himself! I may per- 
haps illustrate the folly of this conduct, supposing doulos to mean 
slave, by a homely simile. A horse in a stable slips his halter, and 
eats some beans out of a sack, and the master says, ' Oh thou wick- 
ed and ungrateful horse! did I not give thee haj^ enough'? and yet 
hast thou broken loose and eaten up this sack of beans! Though 
thou art mine, and though thou hast cost me fifty pounds, I will pu- 
nish thee for this. I will sell thee to-morrow, though I should lose 
by thee, that I may repay myself for the beans thou hast eaten.' 

Suppose this doulos — this slave, according to the West Indian 
translation, runs away, and becomes a convert to principles that he 
knew not before — that he is recognized and sheltered, as St. Paul 
kept Onesimus — and that he is sent back with a message, ' I send 
you back your runaway/ In such a case, no doubt the slaveholder 
would say, ' Ay, to be sure, let me have him !' But what does St. 
Paul say 1 Does he bid Philemon take Onesimus, and treat him 
as the poor boy was treated for running away with his own naked 
body 1 No ! Does he say, ' Take him and hang him !' No ! Does 
he say, ' Flog him V No ! Does he say, ' Chain him V No ! Does 
he say, ' Put a collar on him V No ! He says, ' Receive him not 
as a servant, but as a brother.' He bids him esteem him as mere 
than a servant — as a brother beloved" 



The last Charleston Courier contains eighteen advertisements 
of slaves to be sold, chiefly at auction, comprising eight hundred 
and forty-one slaves of both sexes and all ages, besides several ad- 
vertisements of the whole "stock of negroes" of a plantation, 
without specifying the number. In the Georgia Journal, of Dec. 
31, 1834, are nine " sheriff's sales," in which " negroes" are to be 
sold, comprising thirty-two, besides " all the negroes" on a certain 
plantation. In the same paper are fourteen advertisements of 
"administrator's sales" of slaves, comprising one hundred and 
fifty-five. Mark it, reader, in this way slavery is " entailed." There 
are also six similar sales of whole stocks advertised. In the same 
paper is the following advertisement : 

" Fifty Likely Young* Negroes, 


IN addition to my former stock, consisting of some first rate 
Cooks, Washers and Ironers, several well qualified Chamber 
Maids, two first rate Seamstresses, and one Man Cook ; the ba- 
lance Field Hands, men, boys and girls. I will have supplies 
every fifty days. Persons wishing to purchase, will do well to call 
at No. 2, near the Bridge, and examine for themselves. 

Hamburg, S. C, July 30. 

From the Natchez Courier and Journal. 

irf 3 ISO Negroes for sale. .433 

I HAVE just arrived with the above number of Virginia Ne- 
groes, of .both sexes, and offer them on the most accommodating 
terms. Among them are two good carpenters, three blacksmiths, 
and several house and waiting servants. I also have a fine wagon 
and team for sale. JOHN L. HARRIS. 

December 19, 1834. 


" Come," said Judah, " and let us sell him to the Ishmaelites.' 
And the rest agreed to it. " Then there passed by Midianite mer- 
chantmen [slave-traders] and they lifted up Joseph out of the pit, 
and sold Joseph to the Ishmaelite for twenty pieces of silver." Poor 
boy ! His father had sent him on a kind errand to his brothers, 
and was waiting for him to return. But these wicked brothers did 
not care if they broke the poor man's heart, and brought down his 

* How could these be called " young," if in buying up in Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, there is no separation of families 7 


gray hairs with sorrow to the grave. They loved money more than 
they did their brother Joseph. So they sold him. What, sell their 
own brother ! Yes, and the same thing is done now every day in 
slave states. White men sell their own colored children. Some- 
times they sell them by the pound, and get four and often five dol- 
lars a pound for their sons and daughters. " Shall I not visit for 
these things'? saith the Lord: and shall not my soul be avenged 
on such a nation as thisl" Thus said God, by the prophet Jere- 
miah; and His judgments cannot be distant. Even slaveholders 
sometimes tremble when they think that for all their wicked deeds 
they shall be brought into judgment. One of them, a Virginian, 
said, "I tremble when I reflect that God is just." And well he 
might. Belshazzar, king of Babylon, trembled when there came 
forth fingers of a man's hand, ana! wrote upon the wall his doom. 
11 Then the king's countenance was changed, and his thoughts 
troubled him, so that the joints of his loins were loosed, and his 
knees struck one against another." Think of that, you who buy 
and sell the bodies and souls of men. Remember that God is just, 
and that His justice will not sleep forever ! 


The law of Ohio ordains, that " No black or mulatto can be a wit- 
ness in a case where either party is white.'''' In Chase's edition of the 
Statutes, there .is the following note upon this law. 

" This section does not extend to persons of a shade nearer white 
than mulatto. Such persons are admissible as witnesses ; and against 
such the testimony of negroes and mulattoes cannot be received. 
(Gray vs. Ohio — 4 Ohio Reports, 353.") The law of some of the 
States defines a mulatto to be, "every person other than a negro, 
having one fourth part or more of negro blood." 

Under this iniquitous law, the following case may occur. The 
life of a man depends upon the admissibility of a witness, who de- 
clares that he is only one eighth negro. But he is objected to by 
the counsel as being a mulatto. There is only one person in the 
world who can decide the question, and that is the witness's mo- 
ther, who alone can tell whether she herself is one half or one fourth 
black — and in either case her testimony cannot be received ! Sure- 
ly prejudice against color is the perfection of folly ! 



The law, which is common to both states, runs thus : " In all cases 
where free persons are punished by fine, servants shall be punished 
by whipping, after the rate of twenty lashes for every eight dollars, 
so that no servant shall receive more than forty lashes at any one 
time 1" — only $1G worth of whipping at one time ! 




Oh rouse ye — ere the storm comes fori 

The gathered wrath of God and mar 
Like that which wasted Egypt's earth, 

When hail and fire above it ran. 
Hear ye no warnings in the air 1 

Feel ye no earthquake underneath % 
Up — up — why will ye slumber where 

The sleeper only wakes in death 1 

Up now for Freedom ! — not in strife 

Like that your sterner fathers saw— 
The awful waste of human life — 

The glory and the guilt of war : 
But break the chain — the yoke remove — 

And smite to earth oppression's rod, 
With those mild arms of Truth and Love, 

Made mighty through the living God ! 

Prone let the shrine of Moloch sink, 

And leave no tiaces where it stood — 
Nor longer let its idol drink 

His daily cup of human blood : 
But rear another altar there, 

To truth, and love, and mercy given, 
And Freedom's gift and Freedom's prayer 

Shall call an answer down from Heaven ! 



From Jan. 20th 7 1835, to Feb. 20th, 1835. 

Bath, Maine, N. Swasey, Mon. col. 30 00 
Brighton, N. Y., Joseph Bloss, " . 2 00 
Brooklyn, Con., Rev.S.J.May " . 6 00 
Cleveland, Ohio. Rev. Stephen Peet, 5 00 
" " J. M. Sterling, . . 30 00 

Carlisle, Pa., Henry Duffield, mon. col. 5 00 

Cazenovia, N. Y., Truman Kellog 
Dumbarton, N. H., Rev. J. M.Putnam, " 5 00 
Hallowell, Me., Rev. G. Shepard, " 20 00 
Hamilton, N. Y.. Edwin Brown, " 2 50 
Ipswich, Mass., Wm. Oakes, . . . 10 00 
Livingston Co. N.Y.,Wm.McCracken, 4 00 
MiVbury, Mass-., A. S. Society, . . 10 00 
Morristown, N. J,H.A.Halsey ; mon.col. 1 00 

R kT ew- Athens, O., Hugh Stephenson, " 1 00 
ew-Hartford,N.Y.,U.H.Kellogg, " 1 50 
N. Y. Mills, N. Y., Rev. L. H.Loss, " 21 00 
N. Haven, A. Townsend, .... 5 00 
" Scholars of Mrs. Fowler's co- 
lored Female School, being the 
amount she was to distribute 
among them as rewards, . . 1 50 

New York City, Ann Blackwell, . 
" . Arthur Tappan, . . 
Lowell Holbrook, . . 
Lewis Tappan, . . . 
Wm. Green, jr. mon. sub 
John Rankin, mon. sub. 

4 00 ! Philadelphia, Pa., Henry Grew, 

Rome, N. Y 
Rochester, " 
Syracuse, " 


Mrs. L. Mott," 
, S. B. Roberts, " 
Dr. W. W. Reid, " 
Seth Conklin, " 
Alfred Barrett, " 
John Harrington, " 
Horace Tracy, " 
Seth Conklin, . . 

Westchester, N. Y., Hon. AVm. Jay 

" " Mr. Bingham, 

Receipts for Record at office, 

do. do. Books and Pamphlets, 

5 00 

1000 00 
50 00 
25 00 
83 33 
100 00 

2 00 
5 00 

10 00 
28 50 

3 00 
3 00 
1 00 

9 00 

50 00 

1 00 
27 38 
25 13 

Total, $1593 34 



VOL. I. 

APRIL, 1835. 

NO. 4. 

"Take them back, since it must be so ; I am determined to be faithful to my 
brethren and to my God." 


The friends of the enslaved are continually told that the Afri- 
cans are an inferior race. If this were true, it would be no good 
reason for enslaving them. But it is not. The world may safely 
be challenged to produce a nobler character than that of Toussaint 
L'Ouverture — the George Washington of St. Domingo. Calumny 
has striven to paint him a monster.— She has brought the printing 
presses of both continents to her aid — but in vain. 

Vol. I. 4 


Toussaint was born in slavery, but his soul could not be bound. 
When his countrymen, who had gained their liberty by the pro- 
clamations of Santhonax and Polverel, were in danger of losing it 
by the intrigues of their former tyrants, he was selected as their 
chief. "With reluctance he left the bosom of his family, to which 
he was most tenderly attached. He gave union, energy, and a wise 
constitution, to his countrymen. By his bravery he repelled every 
foe, and put an end to civil and insurrectionary wars. "When Bo- 
naparte sent an fenmense armament, in 1802/to bring the people 
back to the old yoke, he was firmly seated in their affections, and 
relying in him, they bid deiianee to their invaders. Bonaparte ? it 
seems, had obtained possession of the sons of Toussaint, and in- 
cluded them in the splendid bribe which he sent by Le Clerc, to 
buy over the negro chief; hoping, by this detestable policy, to make 
an easy conquest.* He was mistaken. Toussaint met his boys 
with the heart of a father, but immediately sent them back, with a 
letter to Bonaparte, the spirit of which will be shown by the fol- 
lowing extracts.t 

" Citizen Consul, 
" Your letter, of the 27th Brumaire, has been transmitted to me 
by Citizen Le Clerc, your brother-in-law, whom you have appoint- 
ed Captain General of this island, a title not recognized by the 
constitution of St. Domingo. The same messenger has restored 
two innocent children to the fond embraces of a doating father. 
What a noble instance of European humanity ! But, dear as those 
pledges are to me, and painful as our separation is. ,1 will owe no 
obligations to my enemies,, and I therefore return them/to the cus- 
tody of their jailers. 
* * * * * * * * * * * * * 

"You ask me, do I desire consideration, honors, and fortune? 
Most certainly I do, but not of thy giving. My consideration is 
placed in the respect of my countrymen, my honors in|their attach- 
ment, my fortune fn their disinterested fidelity. Has this mean 
idea of personal aggrandizement been held out in the hope that I 
would be induced thereby to betray the cause I have undertaken % 

' Seven years previous to this, Toussaint sent his sons, then seven and nine 
years of age, to Paris for education. They were put under the care of a tutor, 
named Coisnon. Bonaparte used this man as a tool to prepare the boys for his 
purpose. The tutor and his charge having been sent out with Le Clerc, Cois- 
non wrote from Cape Francois to Toussaint, wbo was then at his country seat 
at Ennery, saying, " the first Consul sends by me your two sons, and certain im- 
portant despatches. Your sons will be with you to-morrow, provided you will 
give me your word that in the result of your not complying \v\th the wishes of 
the first Consul, they shall be safely returned with me to the Cape." Toussaint 
gave his word, and, on the morrow, the boys, accompanied by Coisnon, were 
with their fond parents, Toussakit had now a choice of three things. He might 
break his word and keep his sons ; he might comply with the wishes of Bona- 
parte and keep them ; or he might send them back. He would neither break 
his word, nor sell his country, and therefore chose to send them back. It was 
a proverb in St. Domingo that Toussaint L'Ouverture never broke kis word. 

t We quote from one of the periodicals of the year 1803, 


You should learn to estimate*the moral principle in other men by 
four own. If the person who claims a right to that throne on 
which you are seated, were to call on you to descend from it, what 
would be your answer 1 The power I possess has been as legiti- 
mately acquired as your own, and nought but the decided voice of 
the people of St. Domingo shall compel me to relinquish it. 

Cl It is not cemented by blood, or maintained by the artifices of 
European policy. 'The ferocious men whose persecutions I put 
a stop to/ have confessed my clemency, and I have pardoned the 
wretch whose dagger has been aimed at my life. If I have re- . 
moved from this island certain turbulent spirits, who strove to feed 
the flames of civil war, their guilt has been first established before 
a competent tribunal, and finally confessed by themselves. Is there 
one of them who can say that he has been condemned imheard or 
untried? And yet these monsters are to be brought back once 
more, and, aided by the bloodhounds of Cuba, are to be uncoupled 
and hallooed to hunt us down and devour us ; and this by men 
who dare to call themselves Christians. 

" Why should it excite your praise and surprise that I have up- 
held c the religion and worship of God, from whom all things come V 
Alas! that all bounteous Being, whose Holy Word has but lately 
found favor in your Republic, by me has ever been honored and 
glorified. Tn h\- protecting care I have sought for safety and con- 
solation amidst dangers and difficulties, when encompassed by 
treachery and treason, and I was never disappointed. ' Before him 
aad you I am,' as you say, ' to be the person principally responsible 
for the massacres and murders that are perpetrating in this de- 
voted isle.' Be it so. Tn his all just and dread disposal be the issue 
of this contest. Let Him decide between me and my enemies ; 
between those who have violated his precepts, abjured his holy 
name, and one who has never ceased to acknowledge and adore 

(Signed) l '- Toussaint L'Ouverture." 

Le Clerc, with his legion of disciplined and veteran soldiers, 
was unable to cope with Toussaint in the field of battle. He re- 
sorted to treachery. He promised amnesty, liberty, and equal rights 
to all. Toussaint was deceived. He and his wife were carried in 
chains to France, and there thrown into separate dungeons. It is 
probable ' that the day of retribution only will reveal the fate of 

Whoever looks for the " horrors of St. Domingo," will not find 
them chargeable to Toussaint, nor to any of his color, till they had 
been goadfed to desperation by the more revolting atrocities of 
Christian white men. 

Let the reader ponder this, and ask himself, where is the evi- 
dence that the Hack man is by nature either mentally or morally 
inferior to the white? 



Nothing, if slavery is just a:«id right. But if slavery is unjust, 
cruel, and wicked, they have much to do With it. If it were in 
China, they would have much to do with it. Why 1 Because 
tke slaves are men. If there is. upon the farthest isle of the ocean, 
a tribe of robbers, murderers, and cannibals, we, here in America, 
have something to do with them. It is not consistent with the 
welfare of the human race that there should be robbers, murderers, 
or cannibals, any where. Again, as Christians, we are entrusted 
with a set of principles, which go to abolish such crimes, and are 
commanded by the Redeemer of the world, to promulgate them. 
We have something to do, then, as long as there is upon earth a 
single man who has not been reached and won to righteousness by 
these heavenly principles. Have we, then, nothing to do in behalf 
of 2,250,000 of our fellow men, who, upon the same continent with 
ourselves, are treated by law and custom as beasjs 1 — bought, sold, 
driven, flogged, and fed as beasts 1 Do we find ourselves bound 
by the constitution, which guarantees our rights, with our swords 
and muskets, to take away theirs, should they rise to claim them, 
and have we nothing to do with ftl Are we called upon to give 
up fugitives from slavery on the bare claim of any southern man 
before any magistrate whom he may choose, and have we nothing 
to do with it 1 Is slavery perpetuated in the District of Columbia 
by the votes of our own representatives, and we have nothing to 
do with it? Is it extended to new states year after year, and we 
have nothing to do with it 1 Is America made the nurse of slaves, 
is her soil stained with an immense traffic in the blood, and bones, 
and souls of her own native citizens, and we have nothing to do 
With if? Is her name, dear to her free born sons as the bosoms 
that nursed them, made the by-word and jest of all Europe and 
the world, and we have nothing to do with it 1 

And who are they who ask, " what have the people of the north 
to do with slavery?" Why they are, 1. The slaveholders. They 
have their reasons. They like any thing better than having their 
consciences meddled with, especially such of them as were ori- 
ginally from the north. 2. Merchants who traffic with slave- 
holders. Some of them are afraid they will lose custom. 3. Poli- 
ticians who are afraid that a shift of the wind will shift them out 
of office. 4. Preachers of the Gospel, who have a care for the 
fleece as well as the flpck. 5. Some of them, too, are men who 
are sending missionaries to Palestine, and India, and China, men 
who are ever ready to raise subscriptions for the Greeks and the 
Poles, men who are saying to every nation under heaven, let us 
"pluck the mote out of thine eye*" 

We of the north have much to do with slavery, because God 
has given us power to abolish it. The slaveholders are men. like 
ourselves. They are not proof against truth, and thought, and 


More facts showing the safety of emancipation. 41 

feeling. If, in the kind and peaceful spirit of the blessed Gospel, 
we all take the side of the slave, assert his rightSj S3nnpathize in 
his sufferings, ana speak him free so far as we have the power, 
what can they do 7 They cannot fight us, they dare not sepa- 
rate from us. Listen they must, and yield they must. God has 
made ice co melt when the temperature is above a certain point, 
and it might as well maintain its flinty hardness in a fiery furnace, 
as the people of the south theirs, after the people of the north are 
once kindled up to the natural temperature of our common hu- 
manity. E. 


We do not claim that there are a vast multitude of examples of 
such emancipation, so free and so full as we affirm to be just and 
right. For, unhappily, justice has been done to slaves only rarely 
and grudgingly ; but we do claim, that all the facts which pertain 
to the subject are in favor of emancipation, the freer and fuller the 
better. Not a solitary fact has yet been produced, showing the 
danger of any approach towards justice — however large or sudden. 

emancipation in guadaloupe. 

"Guadaloupe, in common with all the colonial possessions of 
France, partook of the convulsions with which the Revolution of 
1792 so violently agitated the mother country. In February, 1794, 
the French Convention passed a decree, giving liberty to the slaves 
in all the colonies of France. This decree was carried into effect 
in Guadaloupe under certain local regulations called la police ru- 
rale, which was administered in the different districts of the island 
by commissioners appointed by the government. By these regu- 
lations the laborers were entitled to a fourth part of the produce 
of the estate which they were employed in cultivating, indepen- 
dently of their food, which was wholly furnished from the estate." 
The regulations proceed to state very minutely the allowances to 
be made in case of absence, sickness., &c. 

" Under these regulations, agriculture appears to have flourish- 
ed, and tranquillity was restored. In April, 1801, we have an 
enumeration sf the plantations then under cultivation, amounting 
to 390 of sugar, 1,355 of coffee, and 328 of cotton, besides 25 pas- 
ture or grass farms." 

" In the succeeding year, on the peace of Amiens, a powerful 
French force was sent to take possession c# Guadaloupe, and to 
reduce the negroes to their former state of slavery. This attempt 
was resisted on the part of the negroes, and it was not till after a 
severe struggle, and the slaughter' of 2000 negroes, that they were 
again brought under the power of the cartwhip." 


" The order and prosperity which reigned during the enjoyment 
of freedom are proved by the reports of the commissioners. A 
letter from the.supreme council of the colony to the commissary of 
one of the Cantons contains this remarkable passage. ' Continue, 
Citizen Commissary, to maintain that order in your canton, which 
now reigns universally throughout the colony. We shall have 
the satisfaction of having given an example which will prove that 
all classes of people may live in perfect harmony with each other, 
under an administration which secures justice to all classes.' " — Re- 
port from the Select Com. of the House of Lords, page 924. 


"From an accurate return of the paupers supported in the 
British slave colonies from 1821 to 1825, it appears that in twelve 
colonies, among a population of 57,000 whites, there w^ere 2,008 
paupers, while among 114,000 free black and colored people, there 
were only 313. That is, there was one pauper to every 28^ whites, 
while there was only one to every 364 of the free black and color 
ed." — Ibidem, page 934. 


" It happened that several slaves took refuge from Martinique, 
where the slave trade is avowedly carried on, to St. Lucia, in 
1829. This caused a discussion, the effect of which was to make 
it generally known, that, on a foreign slave's reaching a British 
Colony, he, by Dr. Lushington's Bill,' becomes free ; and in con- 
sequence of this discussion,, several, exceeding 100 in number, 
came over in the year 1830. 

Here were persons leaving a country of unmitigated slavery; 
persons precisely in the condition in which @ur whole slave po- 
pulation may be supposed to have been some thirty years ago, by 
those who maintain that the condition of the slave has improv- 
ed ; here were persons described by their government as incendi- 
aries, idlers, and poisoners. 

When I left the Colony in April last, some were employed for 
wages in. the business they were best acquainted w 7 ith : — some as 
masons and carpenters ; some as domestics; others in clearing 
land, or as laborers on estates ; while about twenty-six had club- 
bed together, and placed themselves under the direction of a free 
colored man. an African, one of the persons deported from Mar- 
tinique in 1824. These last had erected a pottery at a short dis- 
tance from Castries. They took a piece of land : three or four 
cleared it ; others fished up coral and burned lime ; five or six 
quarried and got the stones, and performed the mason's work; 
the remainder felled the timber and worked it in ; and the little 
money that was requisite, was supplied in advance by the con- 


tractor for the church, on the tiles to be furnished for the build- 
ing. This pottery was completed — a plain structure, but of great 
solidity and surprising neatness. Thus had they actually intro- 
duced a new manufacture into the country, for which it was pre- 
viously indebted to our foreign neighbors, or to the home market. 
All this had been effected simply by not interfering with them — 
by leaving them entirely to themselves. They were mustered 
once a month, to show that government had an eye on them, and 
then allowed full liberty. One man only was sick in the Hospi- 
tal, and he was supported by the contribution of his companions." 

Jeremie's Essays on Colonial Slavery. 

[From the South African Commercial Advertiser of Feb. 9, 1831.] 
" We speak advisedly ; — Three thousand prize negroes haye re- 
ceived their freedom, four hundred in one day ; but not the least 
difficulty or disorder occurred: — servants found masters — masters 
\ired servants ; all gained homes, and at night scarcely an idler 
was to be seen. In the last month, one hundred and fifty were li- 
berated under precisely similar circumstances, and with the same 
result. These facts are within our own observation ; and to state 
that sudden and abrupt emancipation would create disorder and 
distress to those you mean to serve, is not reason ; but the plea of 
any and all men who are adverse to emancipation." 


But are you not aware, Sir, that in many States there 

are laws against emancipation V 9 This was uttered with a most 
imposing air by a man who was defending Slavery under the pre- 
sent circumstances. "Indeed," replied his opponent, "but who 
make the laws V " The Slaveholders, to be sure." "So I 
thought ; and the unfortunate condition of the poor Slaveholders, 
who have tied their own hands by such laws, reminds me of an 
anecdote. A lady somewhere in Virginia, on going out for a few 
hours, left some trifling matters to be attended to in her absence, 
by her little daughter. On her return, she found that all the 
things which were to be done, had been neglected. — " How is 
this, my dear," said she, "why have you not done this, and why 
not that V* " Because I could n't, mama." " But why could n't 
you 1" " Why, don't you see, mama, I am tied to the leg of the 
table V 9 " Indeed, so you are, but who tied you to the leg of the 
table, my dear V 9 " Oh, I tied myself mama I /" 


" I am as much Anti-Slavery as you are." 

Then I trust you have. joined the Anti-Slavery Society, and 


ranked yourself with Anti-Slavery men, according to the old 
maxim, that " birds of a feather flock together." 

" Why — no — I've not done that — I don't like the men, but I'm 
as much Anti-Slavery as you are." 

Indeed ! You are as much of a Baptist as I am, but then you'll 
not go with the Baptists — O yes ! as much of a Methodist as I 
am, but then you'll not show your head among the Method ists — 
as much of a Quaker as I, but you'll take good care not to be 
caught with the Quakers — as good a Presbyterian as I, but those 
Presbyterians — O ! you'll not be seen with them! — as much of a 
Temperance man as I, but you'll not join the Temperance ranks 
-not you, O no — you don't like the men! 

" But the Anti-Slavery men are so rash and inconsiderate." 

Then you have joined them I trust, on the ground of "princi- 
ples and not men ;" and by the " exertion of a kind moral influ- 
ence," tried your utmost to curb their rashness, correct their mis- 
takes, and put the^cause under a wise and judicious management. 

" No — I've not done that — their measures" — 

— O yes— I understand it, they are such a set of incorrigibles, 
&c. &c. that you have more hope of the slaveholders than of 
them. Well — but if you don't like their way of doing the thing, 
you probably have some plan of your own — some system of cor- 
respondence with slaveholders — some plan to show the superiority 
of free over slave labor — or some other scheme, by which you 
propose to do the thing. 

"No, I can't say that I have— but I'm as much Anti-Slavery as 
you are." 

Doubtless — doubtless— and as you have no plan of your own, I 
suppose you give something now and then, (in a silent way,) to aid 
us in our efforts. 

" Not I." 

You give something to the Colonization Society then — once the 
darling of your heart. 

" Not of late. — The truth is, I don't exactly like either society ; 
but I'm as much anti-slavery as you are." 

Well, if you are a minister, you do this — you preach on the sub- 
ject ; you speak and pray about it, from tim* to time, in the church 
and prayer meetings, and especially on the Sabbath; and then, 
you open your pulpit to the abolition advocates, at least, the better 
and more moderate sort of them. 

" Why — no — my people are so sensitive, that I haven't thought 
it expedient to agitate the subject — but I'm as much anti-slavery as 
you are." 

Well, then, minister or not, you at least bring the subject into 
your family. You mention it at the family altar, converse with 
your wife and children about it, and take every method possible 
to enlist them in the good cause, as you used to do, for instance, 
in respect to colonization. 

" No — I never mention these political things in my family— but 
I am as much anti-slavery as you are." 


You take some anti-slavery periodical then, that you may keep 
pace with the progress of the cause, and circulate it also among 
your neighbors, who are not as much anti-slavery as I am, 

" What that Liberator and Emancipator ! No, sir — such papers 
are not needed at the north, they had better be sent to the south to 
•those that have got slaves." 

You have doubtless subscribed for one or both of these then, to 
be sent to some friend at ihe south that owns slaves ; for instance, 
that brother minister that went down there from your town, and 
married a wife with her hundred negroes. 

" No — I don't think it exactly belongs to me to meddle with 
other people's matters, but I'm as much anti-slavery as you are." 

I suppose, then, when you hear men reviling abolitionists, and 
calling them "fanatics," " cut-throats," " incendiaries," " foreign 
emissaries," &c. &c, you always step right up and take their 
parts, and tell their revilers — "Hold, sirs — I'm as much anti- 
slavery as they are." 

" No — I never do that — exactly." 

Well, you at least make apology for them on such occasions. 

II Why — I can't say precisely as to that." 

You at least keep still then — you certainly do not join them in 
their cavils. 

" Why — I — don't — know that I do, but — but — I'm as much anti- 
slavery as you are." 

Most likely, and so when talking with abolitionists — myself for 
instance — your fault-finding, if you have any, is with slavery and 
slaveholders, and your apologies and allowances always oh the 
side of abolition and abolitionists, on the common sense principle 
you know, that we always find fault with our opponents and apolo- 
gize for our friends. 

" No— I tell you the abolitionists are so rash — but then I'm as 
much anti-slavery as they are." 

Well, then, you have done something in some way, and at some 
time, to aid the cause, most certainly. Come now, tell us what. 
Let us have the precious secret — come. 

" Why— I've— IVe— " 

What have you — except it be to find fault with abolitionists 1 
But, no matter — if you have as yet done nothing for the poor slave, 
you have at least done something for the poor free colored man at 
your door. You have vindicated, doubtless, the claims of the free 
to equal rights and privileges with the whites, and have used your 
influence to get them into schools, churches, mechanics' shops, &c, 
on equal terms. 

" What amalgamate with ." 

Or you have at least given something to help them establish 
school's, &e., for themselves. 

" No — I don't know that I have done any thing special in this 
way, bat then, I assure you, Tm as much anti-slavery as you are" 

Then, let me tell you, sir, your anti-slavery is one that does no- 
thing for bond or free; (except to find fault with others;) it says, 


indeed, " be ye warmed and filled," but it is, an empty nothing 
mere sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal. 



Mr. M , of Boston, went to the south in the winter of 1834, 

a colonizationist. On his return, he came to the Anti-Slavery 
Office, subscribed for the Liberator, put his name down as a mem- 
ber of the N. E. A. S. Society, paid his two dollars, the term of 
membership, and then said, that he had just returned from the 
south, that he went there a colonizationist, but had not been there 
a week before he saw that that scheme was all a farce there, and in 
spite of himself, found the anti-slavery fever was getting hold of 
him. His friends, finding how he felt, told him he must keep 
whist on the subject — it would not do to express such feelings 
there ; and he did so as much as he could. It was not long, how- 
ever, before, having finished the business which called him there, 
he found himself in the stage coach, with his face homeward, and 
much to his gratification, in company with a certain Rev. Mr. 

R , formerly from the north, and noted in that region as a revival 

preacher. He thought, of course, that he might in those circum- 
stances, and especially in such company, give vent to his smo- 
thered feelings, and find a relief for his burdened, bursting heart. 
So he ventured to express his views on the delicate subject; but 
lo ! he found himself, as he expressed it, "in a hornet's nest at 
once. Such a trouncing he never had from mortal man before, 
as from that preacher. He flew into a passion, and stormed, and 
raved, and quoted bible, and, in a tone and spirit befitting the 
duellist rather than the minister, said, in so many words, that 
' he would turn out with sword in hand to put down amy man that 
preached abolition, south of the Potomac? and so," added he, " 1 
have done with colonization, and I wish to join the abolitionists." 

Query. — Would Jesus Christ talk so 7 " By their fruits ye shall 
know them." Would Paul talk so % " If any man that is called 
a brother be covetous, or a railer, or an extortioner, put aivayfrom 
among you that wicked person." 


[Extract of a letter from Ohio.] 

" We are constantly asked by our opponents, £ Why do you not 
go to the south 1 We are as much enemies to slavery as you are !' 
while at the same time they obstruct every effort that tends to in- 
form the public mind, and when pressed in argument, we find 
that* they, like Mr. Gurley, 'go with the south.' This conduct in 


free states lulls the conscience of the slaveholders, and rivets the 
chain of slavery. In proof of this, I give you an extract of a letter 
from J. G. Birney, of Kentucky, to a gentleman in this state. ' I 
do trust, my dear sir, the Lord will make you eminently success- 
ful in raising Up in Ohio a spirit among the people favorable to 
immediate emancipation. That, indeed, must be done before any 
large operations can be carried on in this state, (Ky.) One of the 
most formidable obstacles I meet with here is the pro-slavery spirit 
that as yet exists in Ohio, and the other free states. You can easily 
picture to yourselves with what exultation the slaveholder will 
quote against me the opinions of Dr. A., and Dr. B., and Dr. C, 
who, he will say, are eminent for learning and piety, and whose 
minds are free from the bias of interest, who live in a free state, 
&c. It is my firm conviction, that, if Ohio would rise as one man 
in the dignity of her great moral and intellectual power, and de- 
clare to the slaveholders of Kentucky — 'You are wrong — )*our 
oppression is condemned by God, and shall meet with no favor from 
us,' that the deathblow would be given to slavery, not only in Ken- 
tucky, but through the whole south. No chains could withstand 
the concentrated radiance of such virtuous action." 


" How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?" 

Dr. Samuel Johnson. 

Prof. Dew of Virginia, has gained immense popularity at the 
South, by his work in defence of slavery. 

He declares it to be his opinion, that " a much greater number 
of Indians within the limits of the United States would have been 
saved, had we rigidly persevered in enslaving them." He euh> 
gises the influence of slavery ori the female sex. By possessing 
Slaves, says he, they " cease to be mere beasts of burthen." He 
denies the doctrine of Jefferson, that slavery makes tyrants of the 
masters and brutes of the slaves ; and maintains, on the contrary, 
that it benefits both, and is favorable to republicanism ! He has 
"no doubt that the slaves in Virginia form the happiest portion 
of its society." He says, " A merrier being does not exist on the 
face of the globe, than the negro slave of the United States." 

It may be useful to see whether a man can proceed through 130 
pages of such sentiments whitout betraying the unrighteousness 
of his cause. 

He speaks of the spirit of liberty in the ancient slave-holding 
republics, and adds, " In modern times, too, liberty has always 
been more ardently desired by slave-holding communities."— 
Again, "We must recollect that our own country has waded 
through two dangerous wars — that the thrilling eloquence of the 
Demosthenes of our land has been heard with rapture exhorting 
to death rather than slavery." 



What is this but a confession that slaveholders deprive their 
fellow men of their dearest rights, and inflict on them evils which 
they themselves consider worse than death 1 

Slaveholders, while they talk of the happiness of their slaves, 
most ardently desire liberty for themselves— they would rather die 
than bear the burden which they lay on their ' happy' slaves. 

Thus they prove their own slaveholding to be a direct violation 
of the Divine precept, " Whatsoever ye would that men should 
do to you, do ye even so to them." 

Prof. Dew seems to be aware of this inconsistency, and he falls 
into the following rhapsody to avoid it. 

" The fact is, that all of us, and the great authoi of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence is like us in this respect, are too prone to judge of the happiness of 
others by ourselves — we make self the standard, and endeavor to draw down 
every one to its dimensions — not recollecting that the benevolence of the Om- 
nipotent has made the mind of man pliant and susceptible of happiness in al- 
most every situation and employment. We might rather die than be the ob- 
scure slave that waits at our back, — our education and habits generate an am-. 
bition, that makes us aspire to something loftier — and disposes us to look upon 
the slave as unsusceptible of happiness in his humble sphere, when he may 
indeed be much happier than we are, and have his ambition too, — but his am- 
bition is to excel all his fellow slaves in the performance of his servile duties — 
to please and to gratify his master— and to command the praise of all who wit- 
ness his exertions." 

God says, " Love thy neighbor as thyself" No, says the slave- 
holder. Thou mayest buy, and task, and flog, and sell, thy neigh- 
bor, and treat him as thou wouldest rather die than be treated, for 
the benevolence of his God has made him so pliant that he may 
bear it all, and still be happier than thou ! 



From Feb. 20th, 1835, to March \2th, 1835. 

Ashtabula, O., Monthly collection, . 
Buffalo, N. Y., " 
Cooperstown, N. Y., " " 
Cincinnati, O., " " 

Danvers, Mass. , J. Winslow, 
Farmington, N. Y., " " 
Hudson, O., " " 

Hamilton, N. Y., -~" " 
Irville, O., Mr. Lewis' donation, . . 

Middlefield, 0., Mon. col 

Middle Granville, N. Y., L. Mabbot, 
Murraysville, O., Mon. col., . . . 
New York, C. Durfee, for Record to 

distributed in Sabbath Schools, . 

do. E. L. Parsons, donation,. 

do. A monthly subscriber, . 

Oxford, O., Mon. cok in college, 
Oneida Institute, Mon. coL , 

5 00 
16 40 

3 00 
10 00 

1 50 
10 00 

6 00 
3 00 
3' 50 
1 00 
1 00 
5 00 


5 00 

5 00 

83 33 

10 00 

100 00 

150 00 

500 00 

3 00 

35 00 

, mon. 

Y.,' ; 


7 00 

io e» 

5 2i 
9 Ov 
1 0C 
1 0C 

5 00 
9 00 

6 00 

io ro 

Perry, N. Y. 

Peterboro, N. 

Putnam, O., 

Perry, N. Y., Anti-Slavery Soc. dona. 

Smyrna, N. Y., Maj. J. Dixon " 

Wayne, O., Miss R. A. Babcock " 

Waterville, Me., Mon. col 

Winthrop, Me., " " .... 

Warsaw, N. Y., " " .... 

For Records sold at Office, .... 

For Books and Pamphlets sold at Office, 32 73 

Collections by Rev. A. A. Phelps, Sa- 
rah Comes, 1 00 

Sherburn, Mass., Sabbath School, . 1 00 
A friend, .... 2 co 

Kennebunk, Me., Dr. B. Smith, . . 1 50 

Dover, N. H., contribution, .... 3€ 12 
" Bill received in place of counter- 
feit returned, 5 00 

Brooklyn, contribution at Mon. Con., 2 25 


8H01 68 



VOL. I. 

MAY, 1835. 

NO. 5. 


"When we narrate the cruelties of individual masters upon their 
slaves, it is not for the purpose of exciting public indignation 
against those masters, nor of drawing the inference, that all mas- 
ters are equally cruel ; but to show that cruelty is the fruit of the 
system. Every tree must be known by its fruits. Cruelty may 
occur under good and impartial laws, but then it is in spite of the 
laws, not in consequence of them. On the other hand, where the 
laws themselves violate rights, make one class the property of ano- 
ther, and withhold redress of wrongs, cruelty, in ten thousand 
forms, is the necessary result. If the amount of cruelty perpetra- 
ted upon the slaves of this republic could be known to the world. 

Vol. I. 5 


all who have the common feelings of humanity, would recoil with 
horror — they would refuse to participate in the profits of slave la- 
bor — they would utter such a note of remonstrance, that slavery 
would not last a year. 

It is our purpose, from time to time, tc narrate recent and well 
authenticated cases of cruelty, as fair specimens of what naturally 
and unavoidably grows out of the system. 

If it be asked, why do we not hear more of their cruelties from 
travellers who visit the south, and from the newspapers % we re- 
ply, that travellers are entertained, and very hospitably entertain- 
ed too, by the masters, not by the slaves. The slaves have no 
printing presses, — they edit no newspapers. 

The following paragraphs forcibly illustrate this point, and we 
shall be pardoned for the violence of the language, when we say, 
that we extract from the New York Commercial Advertiser * 

" Shall we talk of the mitigation of the miseries of the Africans, 
when their masters have an uncontrolled dominion over their per- 
sons — while they can beat, maim, and even kill, without any law 
to restrain 1 I say without any law ; for while slave-holders are 
judges, and the slaves are not admitted witnesses, the redress of 
the law is a mockery. 

" We are told of the restraints of public opinion; was public 
opinion alone ever sufficient to restrain the passions of man, when 
invested with power — and above all, a community of men. 

" The Editor of the Post has conversed .with people from slave- 
holding countries, and they inform him, that the slaves are com- 
fortable at this time ; — and shall we go to the oppressor to learn the 
measure of the pain he inflicts 1 Was there ever a negro-driver 
who would acknowledge that he was unreasonably cruel 1 The 
butcher feeds his victim to the last, and appears unconscious of 
cruelty — his feelings are callous ; and the humanity of a slave- 
holding community becomes almost universally blunted. They 
cease to see, hear, or feel for an African, as a human being. And 
how are we to know the innumerable tortures that are inflicted ^ 
Is there any impartial tribunal before whom the slave can appear, 
and make known his sufferings ^ Can he by means of the press 
lay them before the world % He is as untaught as the beast — he 
cannot write down his sufferings ; and if he could, the whites con- 
trol the press. Would they publish their own disgrace 1 Who 
that can, dare vindicate the negro's rights 1 Ministers of the Gos- 
pel, who have espoused their cause from the pulpit, have been pro- 
scribed^-they have been prohibited from even reading particular 
parts of scripture. 

" But we are told, that they have days of merriment and festivi- 
ty ; that they whistle, sing, and dance ; — and is this proof that their 
condition is happy, because their chains are temporarily loosened, 

* This article appears in the Commercial Advertiser of April 25, 1827, before 
the editor had espoused the cause of colonization, and is in reply to an apology 
for slavery, in the Evening Post. It is headed, " Tempora mutantur," [the times 
are changed^] How truly may this now be said of the Commercial Advertiser! 


and because they then attempt . to sing away thei sorrows — be- 
cause there is, as it were, a momentary intermission of that almost 
perpetual dejection and heart-pining which these vvretched beings 
endure in their degraded and sunken condition 1 Away with such 
apologies. Go with the negro-driver, that monster whose simili- 
tude, except in his form, is that of a fiend, and learn what it is to 
be a slave. And what apology can be given for insulting this pro- 
fessed Christian, republican community, with high wrought pic- 
tures of the enjoyments of the slaves 1" 

We make no further apology for " opening our mouths for the 
dumb," in detailing the following facts : 


A gentleman lately from the south related the following at a con- 
cert of prayer for slaves in Cincinnati : — A slave from the north 
was placed as driver, over ten others, who all ran away, but were 
retaken. The captives, to screen themselves from punishment, 
accused the driver of inciting them to run away. The master had 
him extended, f»ce downward, upon a board, and a circle cut on 
his back. He then ordered his overseer to whip off all the skin 
within the circle. The overseer gave three hundred lashes, and 
refused to proceed. The master himself seized the lash, and plied 
it till the poor inxn vomited blood, and gave evident signs of ap- 
proaching death. He was released, and turned over, but nature 
was spent, and in a few moments he expired. 

Does any one say, this is a rare instance 1 Grant that it is ; the 
use of the whip at all, is a cruelty; and where it is used over 
2,000,000 of people, as the grand motive to labor, such a case as 
the above is by no means strange or incredible. 


This is a necessary consequence of the internal slave-trade — a 
trade which is inseparable from slavery. 

A trader was about to start from Louisville, Kentucky, with 100 
slaves, for New Orleans. Among them were two women with 
infants at the breast. Knowing that these infants would depreciate 
the value of the mothers, the trader sold them for one dollar each ! 
Another mother was separated from her sick child, about four or 
five years old. Her anguish was so great, that she sickened and 
died before reaching her destination. 

The two following cases are communicated by Mr. Birney, of 
Kentucky: — 

"Not very long ago, in Lincoln county, Kentucky, a female slave 
was sold to a southern slayer, undermost afflicting circumstances. 
She had. at her breads, -m infant boy three months old. The slaver 
did not want the child un any terms. The master sold the mother, 
and retained the child. She was hurried away immediately to the 
depot at Louisville, to be sent down the river to the southern mar- 
ket. The last news my informant had of her was, that she was 

52 judge jay's inquiry. 

lying sick, in the most miserable condition, her breasts having 
risen, inflamed, and "bursted." 

" During the winter, at Nashville, a slaver was driving bis 
train of fellow-beings down to the landing, to put them on board a 
steam-boat, bound for New Orleans. A mother among them, 
having an infant of about ten months old to carry in her arms. 
could not keep pace with the rest. The slaver waited till she 
came up to where he was standing ; he snatched it from her arms, 
and handing it over to a person who stood by, made him & present 
of it. The mother, bereft in a single moment of her last comfort, 
was driven on without delay to the boat. ' On the side of the op- 
pressor was power, but she had no comforter.' " 


[From a letter to the Editor.] 

A man, I did not learn his name, in Scott county, Tennessee, 
kept a room apart, which no one entered but himself and slaves. 
One poor man he kept in it two or three days, going in often, and 
whipping him. No one of the family dared, if they wished, to go 
to his rescue. His cries and groans were so dreadful, that the 
third night a young lady living there, got the key secretly, and 
went to the room. A most appalling sight presented itself to her 
view : the floor covered with blood and pieces of flesh! She re- 
leased the almost murdered man ; he fled, and had not been heard 
from. The shrieks extorted by this cruel man, were often heard 
on neighboring plantations, at midnight, day dawn, and other 


A second edition of this valuable work will speedily be publish- 
ed, and sold at so low a price, that Auxiliaries and individuals can 
well afford to purchase it for gratuitous distribution. We cannot 
do better than to enrich the present number with copious extracts. 


" In some of the states, if a free man of color is accused of 
crime, he is denied the benefit of those forms of trial which the 
Common Law has established for the protection of innocence. 
Thus, in South Carolina, it is thought quite unnecessary to give a 
Grand and Petit Jury the trouble of inquiring into his case : he 
can be hung without so much ceremony. But who is a colored 
man 1 We answer, the fairest man in Carolina, if it can be proved 
that a drop of negro blood flowed in the veins of his mother. The 
following extract from a late Charleston paper gives us a curious 
instance of the administration of criminal justice in a Christian 
country, in the nineteenth century : — ' Trial for murder. — William 
Tann, a free colored man, was tried on Friday last at John's Island, 


for the murder of Moses, the slave of Jos. D. Jenkins, Esq. of that 
place. The court consisted of William H. Inglesby and Alexan- 
der H. Brown, Esqrs., judicial magistrates' (justices of the peace) 
1 of this city, together with five freeholders. The murder was com- 
mitted at John's Island, on the 4th July, 1832, Tann shooting down 
Moses with a musket loaded with buckshot. Tann was at that 
time overseer of a Mr. Murray, and from the fairness of his com- 
plexion was thought to be and passed for a WHITE MAN. He 
was accordingly bound over to answer for this offence to the 
court of sessions, but it having been decided on an issue ordered 
and tried at Walterborough, for the purpose of ascertaining his 
caste, that he was of mixed blood, he was turned over by the court, 
to the jurisdiction of magistrates and freeholders. The court found 
.him guilty, and sentenced him to be hung on Friday, the 24th 
April next,' 1835. — Charleston Courier. 

" In South Carolina, if a free negro ' entertains' a runaway 
slave, he forfeits ten pounds, and if unable to pay the fine, which 
must be the case ninety-nine times in a hundred, he is to, be sold 
as a slave for life. In 1827, a free woman and her three children 
were thus sold, for harboring two slave children. 

" In Mississippi, every negro or mulatto, not being able to prove 
himself free, may be sold as a .slave. Should the certificate of his 
manumission, or the evidence of his parents' freedom, be lost or 
stolen, he is reduced to hopeless bondage. This provision extends 
to most of the slave states, and is in full operation in the District 
of Columbia. 

" In South Carolina, any assembly of free negroes, even in the 
piesence of white persons, ' in a confined or secret place, for the 
purpose of mental instruction, 1 is an unlawful assembly, and may 
be dispersed by a magistrate, who is authorized to inflict twenty 
lashes on each free negro attending the meeting. 

" In the city of Savannah, any person who teaches a free negro 
to read or write, incurs a penalty of thirty dollars. Of course a 
father may not instruct his own children. 

" In Maryland, a justice of the peace may order a free negro's 
ears to be cut off for striking a white man. In Kentucky, for the 
same offence, he is to "receive thirty lashes, ' well laid on.' The 
law of Louisiana declares, ' Free people of color ought never to 
insult or strike while people, nor presume to conceive themselves 
equal to the whites ; but, on the contrary, they ought to yield to them 
on every occasion, and never speak or answer them but with re- 
spect, under the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature 
of the case.' 

" The corporation of Georgetown, in the ^District of Columbia, 
passed an ordinance, making it penal for any free negro to receive 
from the post-office, have in his possession, or circulate, any publica- 
tion or writing whatsoever of a seditious character. 

"In- North Carolina, the law prohibits a free colored man, 
whatever may be his attainments or ecclesiastical authority, to 
preach the gospel. 


" In Georgia, a white man is liable to a fine of Jive hundred dollars 
for teaching a free negro to read or write. If one free negro teach 
another, he is to he fined and whipped at the discretion of the court ! 
Should a free negro presume to preach to, or exhort his compa- 
nions, he may be seized without warrant, and whipped thirty-nine 
lashes, and the same number of lashes may be applied to each one 
of his congregation. 

" In Virginia, should free negroes or their children assemble at 
a school to learn reading and writing, any justice of the peace 
may dismiss the school, with twenty stripes on the back of each 

" In some slates, free negroes may not assemble together for any 
purpose, to a greater number than seven. In North Carolina, free 
negroes may not trade, buy, or sell, out of the cities or towns in 
which they reside, under the penalty of forfeiting their goods, and 
receiving in lieu thereof thirty-nine lashes. 

" The laws of Ohio* against the free blacks are peculiarly detest- 
able, because not originating from the fears and prejudices of slave- 
holders. Not only are the blacks excluded in that state from the 
benefit of public schools, but with a refinement of cruelty unparal- 
leled, they are doomed to idleness and poverty, by a law which 
renders a white man who employs a colored one to labor for him 
one hour, liable for his support through life ! ! 

" By a late law of Maryland, a free negro coming into the state, 
is liable to a fine of fifty dollars for every week he remains in it. 
If he cannot pay the fine, he is sold. 

" In Louisiana, the penalty for instructing a free black in a Su?i- 

Extract of a Speech of Gov. Giles before the Virginia Convention, Nov. 10, 
1829. — "What has Ohio now done? Becoming perfectly sensible of the mis- 
chiefs which have resulted from her former fanaticism, she has passed a law, 
which, if carried into execution, must entail upon those unfortunate and deluded 
people, who came into her state, in the belief that they should find protection 
there, a greater evil than slavery itself. The mischief has arrived at such a 
pitch, that the state has passed a law, requiring that all colored persons in the 
state, should give security for their good behavior, to an amount beyond their 
means to obtain. And not being able to do this, they must either be incarcer- 
ated, or quit the state. No asylum is provided for them, but if the law should 
be carried into effect, they must be driven forth — find refuge where they can — 
perhaps in Virginia; and surely Virginia ought to be on the alert to counteract 
this most probable effect of the law. The next step which Ohio may take, may 
be to declare those people slaves, and it is more likely now that she should do 
so, than it was when the preceding remarks were made, that she should now 
take this step, which is more onerous and disastrous to her invited guests than 
slavery itself. It is, indeed, strange, that these colored people should have been 
invited into that state, and should now be driven abroad as vagabonds, not on tho 
face of the earth, but to find their way to the clouds, if they can, or wherever 
else they could find a refuge. He mentioned this subject to show how scrupu- 
lous the states ought to be in touching the subject of slavery, and particularly 
of emancipation." What Ohio is doing by express law, other northern states 
are doing by public sentiment. 

We have heard it said that the motive of the proposer of the Ohio law, was to 
promote the abolition of Slavery by driving back the freed people upon the slave 
states. There is no doubt that if this driving back could be effected, it would 
hasten the overthrow of slavery ; but it seems too much like doing evil that good 
may come. Ed. Rec. 


d-ay School, is, for the first offence, five hundred dollars ; for the 
second offence, death ! ! 

" Such, in a greater or less degree, is the situation of three hun- 
dred thousand of our fellow-citizens." 


" Mr. Jeremie, late first president of the royal court of St. Lucia, 
informs us, that in St. Domingo, ' is found a happy , flourishing ■, and 
contented peasantry, engaged in the cultivation of their own small 
freeholds ; and as these persons acquire capital, they form larger 
establishments, and are gradually rising. This proves, that the 
general wants of the community are supplied, and, if well govern- 
ed, that community must soon acquire strength, and rise to import- 
ance. ' Essays on Colonial Slavery, 1832. p. 63. 

" The following facts, collected from the new and valuable 
' Dictionary of Commerce and Commercial Navigation/ by J. R. 
McCulloch, London edition, 1834, abundantly confirm the fore- 
going testimonies. 

" In 1786, the exportation of coffee was about 35,000 tons. In 
consequence of the subsequent devastation of the island, the ex- 
portation for some years almost totally ceased ; but it has now risen 
to about 20,000 tons ! p. 309. 

" The amount of the following articles, exported in 1831, was 
estimated as follows, viz : 

Coffee, 50,000,000 lbs. 

Cotton, 1,500.000 lbs. 

Tobacco, 500,000 lbs. 

Cocoa, 500,000 lbs. 

Dye wood, 5,000,000 lbs. 

Tortoise shell, 12,000 lbs. 

Mahogany, 6,000,000 feet. 

Hides, 80,000—p. 927 

"The quantity of sugar exported in 1832, is not stated; but in 
1826, it amounted to 32,864 lbs. ; and it should be recollected, that 
about twenty years before, not an ounce of that article was manu- 
factured on the island, p. 926. 

" The imports into France, in 1831, from Hayti, exceeded in 
value the imports from Sweden — Denmark — the Hanseatic Towns 
— Holland — Portugal — Austria — the French East-Indies — or Chi- 
na, p. 637. 

" Cotton manufactures, to the amount of 6,828,576 yards, were 
exported from Great Britain to Hayti in 1831, being about one 
tenth the number of yards exported in the same time to the United 
States, p. 446." 


" If we have been successful in our endeavors to prove, that the 
removal of slavery by colonization is both morally and physically 

56 judge jay's inquiry. 

impossible, then it necessarily follows, that the slaves must be 
emancipated here, or that slavery must be indefinitely continued. 

" Should the former alternative be adopted, the important ques- 
tion occurs : ought the emancipation to be gradual or immediate ? 

" If this question is to be determined with reference to moral ob- 
ligation, it is certainly difficult for those who regard slavery as 
sinful to justify its continuance even for a limited time. If, how- 
ever, the question is to be decided on the ground of political expe- 
diency, there are many and powerful objections to gradual eman- 
cipation. These objections, it is true, have more or less weight, 
according to circumstances, and what may at first view, seem para- 
doxical, their weight is proportioned to the number of slaves to be 

" In New York, slavery was for the most part gradually abolish- 
ed; that is, the children, born after a certain day, became free, as 
they respectively reached the age of twenty-eight years ; and when 
the whole number of slaves were reduced to ten thousand, they 
were liberated in a single day. In New York, the white popula- 
tion so greatly exceeded the black, that no jealousy was entertain- 
ed of the free negroes, and no inconvenience experienced in uniting 
free and slave labor. But in those states, in which nearly all the 
laborers are slaves, where every free black is regarded as a nui- 
sance and an incendiary, and where the planter would, on no con- 
sideration, permit him to labor in company with his slaves, much 
difficulty would necessarily attend a gradual relinquishment of 
slave labor. 

" Suppose, in South Carolina for instance, ten thousand slaves 
should be annually manumitted by law. This would certainly be 
gradual emancipation, as it would require about forty years to free 
the whole number. Now, what would become of these ten thou- 
sand yearlv discharged from the plantations ? Would their late 
masters be willing to hire them, and turn them back into their cot- 
ton-fields 1 The supposition is extravagant. The planter would 
dread their influence on his remaining slaves, and these would 
certainly, and with great, reason, be dissatisfied at seeing their late 
companions working for wages, while they themselves were denied 
any compensation for their toil. But if the ten thousand liberated 
slaves were not employed, how could they obtain a livelihood, and 
how could the planters supply their place on the plantations ? The 
idea, that by gradual emancipation, the slaves will become//, for 
freedom, is visionary in the extreme. The house of bondage is 
not the school in which men are to be trained for liberty. 

" As then gradual emancipation, however desirable, if no other 
can be obtained, is so full of difficulty, and, in the opinion of slave 
holders, so dangerous that they have almost universally passed laws 
to prevent it, the only alternative is immediate emancipation or con- 
tinued slavery" 



The following graphic description of a slave auction, is cut from 
a Scotch paper, called the Dumfries Courier. It must have oc- 
curred several years ago, for the price of slaves, as we are in- 
formed by a gentleman who has witnessed the sale of hundreds in 
the same place this year, is about double what is here stated : 

[Extract of a letter dated Richmond, Virginia.] 

"The sale of negroes by auction is of frequent occurrence in 
this city. I was present at one the other day ; more than a hun- 
dred were disposed of that morning ; they formed part of the 
" estate" of John Graham, a wealthy Scotchman, deceased. A 
sort of temporary platform, was erected in the street for the accom- 
modation of the auctioneer and the negro for sale. Many were 
sold before I arrived on the spot. The purchasers consisted of 
citizens buying for their own use, and tw r o or three negro specu- 
lators from the western and southern states, to whom the poor 
creatures are generally averse to being sold. The following is a 
literal narrative of what passed during my stay : — 

" Auctioneer — ' Gentlemen, the next we offer you for sale is 
Billy ! a good rough carpenter, about 38 years of age, able-bodied, 
and warranted sound ; can do plantation work if required, and is 
in every respect a very useful hand. Gentlemen, what will you 
give me for the rough carpenter'? will nobody give me a bid for 
Billy V — ' 350 dollars,' by a voice from the crowd. Auctioneer — 
1 No more than 350 dollars for this valuable hand! well, gentle- 
men, going for 350.' 400 — 410 — 420, and 425, w r ere successively 
bid. Auctioneer — ' Going at 425 dollars ! I have many niggers 
to dispose of, gentlemen, and cannot dwell ; once, twice, three 
times — gone at 425 dollars.' Buyer, James Grant, a negro trader 
from New Orleans. Auctioneer — 'The next nigger for sale, gen- 
tlemen, is Ponto ! — come, Ponto, stand up here, and tell the gen- 
tlemen what you can do.' Ponto murmured something, with 
which the auctioneer seemed not very well pleased, who, turning 
from him, addressed the assembly with — ' Gentlemen, what will 
you give me for Ponto % a good field hand, 32 years of age, and' — 
here the negro interrupted the auctioneer by calling out — ' Gen- 
tlemen, I is rising 40.' Auctioneer — ■ He is described in the bill 
of sale, gentlemen, as 32 years of age, which I presume is correct.' 
Negro—' Why, gentlemen, I has lived with Mr. Gordon rising 21 
years, and when he bought me I was a heap better than I is now.' 
Auctioneer — 'Well, well, gentlemen, you see the nigger before 
you ; he is described as being 32 years of age ; he says he is 40 ; 
it is for you to judge which of the two is correct ; at any rate he is 
a valuable nigger — a first-rate plantation hand, strong and able- 
bodied.' Here the negro interrupted him again, with the follow- 


ing address — 'Gentlemen, I is not able-bodied; for, in the first 
place, I is troubled with sickness; and, in the next place, I has 
got a wen on my right shoulder, as big as an Irish potatoe !' This 
address silenced the bidders, and the auctioneer observed, 'Gen- 
tlemen, you see this fellow does not want to be sold ; however, I 
shall find a master for him ; for the present we shall be under the 
necessity of passing him by.' He was then ordered to stand down, 
and Jacob was ordered up in his place. Auctioneer — c Now, gen- 
tlemen, I am about to offer you one of the most valuable negroes in 
the city of Richmond ; he is an excellent tanner and currier— the 
first of that profession I ever had for sale, he is an active, likely 
nigger, about 35 years of age, and bears an excellent character, for 
honesty, sobriety, industry, and ingenuity. Now, gentlemen, I 
anticipate a very high bidding for this most valuable servant ; 
come, gentlemen, what will you give me for Jacob the tanner V 
A bidder — * Four hundred dollars. 5 Auctioneer — ' Four hundred 
dollars only for the tanner and currier ; why, gentlemen, he would 
hire for two hundred a year.' Mr. Grant, the negro trader — 'Ja- 
cob, are you willing to leave Richmond V Jacob— ' No.' I ob- 
served after this that Mr. Grant never bade for him ; he was 
knocked down at 530 dollars to an inhabitant of this neighborhood. 
The next lot was a family— a man, a woman, and their two small 
children, whom the auctioneer was instructed not to separate; they 
sold together for 843 dollars, to a citizen of Petersburg. 

"The selling of this 'lot' occupied nearly half an hour, the 
auctioneer appearing exceedingly unwilling to dispose of them at 
that price. After this, I left the sale for some time, and on my 
return I found it had just closed ; and the auctioneer was inform- 
ing the assembly, that there were about thirty more negroes, male 
and female, belonging to this estate, who would be disposed of by 
private bargain." 


The following thoughts are from a young man in one of our 
colleges, who had devoted himself to the cause of missions, but is 
now inquiring whether it is not his duty to labor at home, in be- 
half of the slaves. They are worthy of serious consideration : 

" The Lord is evidently holding a controversy with the Church. 
To say nothing of her internal distractions, look at the disposition 
he is making of our foreign missionaries. Four secretaries of the 
A. B. C. F. M. have died — three of them very recently. We hear 
also, that ten of those who are on heathen ground, have died with- 
in a year. The Western Foreign Missionary Society, have sent 
to Africa seven missionaries — they are all dead, except one. The 
American Board have sent four — all dead. The Methodist have 
sent two— both dead. 

" These dispensations of Providence, are now attracting the 

C0L0RJ»R0I!IA. 59 

attention of the Church. Every where they are the subject of re- 
mark. It is, however, as one of those dark things we cannot 
understand — all referred to God's sovereignty, and thus passed by. 
Now, I protest against disposing of the subject in this way. I be- 
lieve God is a sovereign, and rejoice in his government ; and I con- 
sider this as one of the most striking exhibitions of His govern- 
ment, which He has recently made. 

" When Joshua lay on his face, God said to him, ' Get thee up/ 
{ Israel hath sinned, for they have taken of the accursed thing, and 
have also stolen, therefore they could n:>t stand.' He says further, 
' 1 will not be among you any more, except ye destroy the accursed 
from among you.' 

" These words are applicable to the Church now. They have 
sinned — they have ' taken of the accursed thing,' and ' have also 
stolen,' ' therefore they could not stand.' They have stolen men — 
the worst kind of stealing. God may say to us, ' Get thee up,' ' put 
away the accursed thing.' No wonder our missionaries die — no 
wonder all those sent to Africa, with a single exception, are taken 
away — no wonder many of the others are sick and obliged to come 
home from their labor — no wonder the number of deaths is 
greater now than formerly. The reason is, we are sending the 
gospel to break up caste in all heathen lands, and yet we do not 
apply it to breakup the worse caste that exists at home, — we do not 
let go our hold upon the throat of our brother here,— we even de- 
ny the power of the gospel to destroy our unholy prejudices. This 
is the reason our missionaries die." 


Rome, N. Y. 9Ath March, 1835. 
To the Editor of the Anti-Slavery Record : 

The following conversation — not verbatim, but in substance, 
occurred between a fellow traveler and myself, near Buffalo, some 
time since : 

We differed about beauty of color in the white ladies of Britain 
and the United States. After sufficiently asserting my opinion, 
and finding no probability of edification in further controversy, I 
observed: "But it matters not — the question is insignificant. Mere 
color has neither good nor evil in it : it is a physical circumstance, 
like difference in beauty, height, &c." "Not so," cried my oppo- 
nent, "for the Africans are black, and are inferior to us — they are 
certainly of a lower race." "God has make of one blood all na- 
tions of men," I replied. " What," retorted he with warmth, " do 
you pretend that I am no better than a black man V "Certainly; 
I saw one the other day, at Ashtabula, whom I believe to be deci- 
dedly superior to both you and me, and who lately escaped from 
slavery — " " Aye, aye, very likely, after killing his master." 


" No, no, ii was after having been almost killed by his master." 
£i Ah, all the black men should be sent home, and their white 
friends after them. I would drive every abolitionist out of the 
country." "The black men we speak of, are already at home — 
this is their native country ; besides, some of them are fairer than 
either you or 1."* " No, no ;■ they should be sent to Africa." " No 
more than you should be sent to England or Germany — this is their 
country as much as yours." a What,- do you pretend that they are 
equal to me f 1 " Certainly — and morally, many of them superior : 
God has made all men of one blood." " Aye, aye, Moses says so ; 
but the Old Testament was for the Jews. The'New Testament is 
our guide." " Do you deny the Bible then — or do you not know, 
that if you believe the New, you must, believe the Old, because the 
New testifies every where of the Old V 7 " Oh, yes, I believe the 
Bible; but the New Testament is our guide." " What if I read 
you the words from the New Testament, will you then believe'?" 
The gentleman was silent. I took my Bible, and opening it, began 
to read, Acts xvii. 26, And hath .made of one blood, &c. The 
gpp'Vir an was off— he would not listen to the offensive passage — 
and so our conversation ended. 

7 1 may add, that the gentleman in question was evidently a man of 
cultivated mind on other topics, and of much urbanity of manners. 


* The gentleman was quite swarthy — more of the Spanish brown, than of the 
New York white and red. 


From March 12, 1835, to April 12, 1835. 

Brooklyn, Con., by Rev. S. J. May, 4 OOiNorwich, Con., by John S. Clark, l 50 

Cumminsville, O., by P. H. Lyman, 5 OC Norwalk, Con , by A. Camp, 2 25 

Concord, N. H.,bv Geo. Kent, Esq., 5 00 Oneida Institute. N. Y., by A. Judson, 13 00 
Catskill, N. Y, by R. Jackson, 3 00 Philadelphia, Pa , Female Anti S. So- 

Cooperstown, N. Y., by J. C. Walker, 3 Q0J ciety, by M. L. Mott, io 00 

Cleveland, O , by J. M. Sterling, Esq., 9 00 Peekskill, N. Y., by Miss A. Pierce, 2 50 

" " '• S.L. Severance, 4 00 j Portland, Me. , by Miss L Win slow, 10 00 

Dover, N. H., by W. H. Alden, 10 00| " " " George Ropes, 10 20 

Ellsworth, O., by Geo. Matson, 50 (Providence, R. L, by John Prentice 5 00 

Farmington. N. Y.,by Wm. R. Smith, 6 00 ■ Rochester, N Y.,by Dr. W. W. Reid, 29 00 

Hudson, N. Y., by Miss M. Marriott, 2 00; Springfield, N. J., by James White, 1 00 

Hamilton, N. Y., by J T. Jones, 3 00; Sherburne, N Y., by A. Barrett, 5 00 

Kingsborough, N. Y., by S. S. Wells, 6 oojTallmadpe, O., by Dea. E. Wright, 6 00 

" Miss A. Wells, 1 50 1 Vernon, Con, by N. O. Kellogg, 3 00 

WaterviJJe, Me. by S. S Bradford, 5 Oo 

Middletown, Con., by E. Hunt. 15 CO 

New York, N. Y., by Miss A. Nelson, 3 00 
" " " Wm. Currie, 50 00 

" « "A Friend, 20 00 

" " " John Rankin, 100 00 

" " " Wm. Green, Jr. 83 33 

New Haven, Con. by Rev. S. S. Jcce- 

lyn, 3 00 

New Brunswick, N. J., by John Lillie, 2 00 
Norwich, Con., by George Coit, 150 

W. Bloomfield, O., by A. Smith, 50 

Western Reserve College, by F. W. 

Upson, 6 00 

Whitesborough, N. Y., by Thomas S. 

Bebee, 10 00 

For Records sold at office, 31 07 

For books and pamphlets sold at office, 117 S9 

Total, $603 81 



VOL. I. 

JUNE, 1825. 

NO. 6. 

See page 66. • ■>< 


"We of the north having nothing to do with slavery." The fallacy 
of this standing argument, we think, can be made evident to every 
candid mind. When slaves take refuge among us, and are pursued 
by their masters, which party is assisted by us? When a man assaults 
another, beats, captures and claims him as a slave, which do we im- 
prison ? But, " we are bound by the Constitution to give up fugi- 
tives." Well, suppose we are ; then we are bound by the Constitution 
to support slavery. The question now becomes, whether the Constitu- 
tion, excellent as it is, in other respects, is not faulty in this. If so, 
then, is this fault of the Constitution eternal and immutable, cm* have 
we something to do in removing it, and making that noble instrument, 
in this respect, what it should have been at first ? The very fact that 
innocent men are imprisoned among us, in the name of law and the 
constitution, to support slavery, is proof superlative that we have 
something to do with slavery. Had we made no compact, had we 
given no assistance, there would be more color in the plea of neutrality* 
Let us then, resolved to do our duty, calmly look at facts. 


Were we to be told, that during all the heat of a New York 
summer, men were kept in irons, in cells 3£ feet by 7, which can 
receive air only through a small grate in the door entering the 
common passage — that their friends were not permitted to see 
them — that they were not allowed to come out by day or night — 
we should naturally suppose, that these men had been'found guilty 
of some enormous crime. It is a fact, that five men, and perhaps 
seven, were so confined last summer, in the Old Bridewell. What 
was their crime 7 Nothing at all. They were imprisoned on 
suspicion of being fugitives from slavery. They were suspected of 
loving liberty so well as to have taken it without waiting for the 
consent of other people. On this charge they were thrust into 
prison, and treated with as much rigor as if they had, been pirates 
or murderers. Some of them, it is true, had attempted to escape 
from prison, before they were pat into the cells, but others had not. 
Nor is it easy to see why the jailer has a right to treat slaves, who 
may attempt to escape, with more severity than debtors in the same 
case. Suppose some of the white inhabitants, who were at the 
same time inmates of Bridewell, had attempted to escape ; and as 
a punishment, they had been handcuffed and put in the sells, as I 
have described ; would it not have called forth the just indignation 
of the people 1 The worst crime of the suspected fugitives could 
only be, that they owed their masters the market value of their 
bodies. But see how public sentiment supports slavery! The 
slaves love liberty so well, that they can be prevented from taking 
it only by the utmost rigor of punishment,, and a slave-holding 
public sentiment sanctions such rigor. 

The scenes that occurred in the Old Bridewell last summer, are 
sufficient to show every candid man, not only the intolerable in- 
justice of slavery, but that the public sentiment of the north, as well 
as of the south, upholds it. There were eleven persons confined as 
fugitives. Those who were not in the close cells, were still in a 
very miserable condition. They had all appealed to the courts 
for a jury trial. The claimants were on the ground, ready to take 
them off whenever they should consent to go. But slight as was 
the hope of release, how many of them consented to go 7 For two 
months, five, at least, were kept in the most horrible solitary con- 
finement, no persons having access to them but the claimants. 
One of them at length, driven to despair, consented to be taken 
off, before a decision was given on the question of their having a 
jury trial. The rest preferred their cells and handcuffs, to the 
horrors of slavery. This dread of slavery was not imagination or 
theory, for these people had been born in it, in different states, and 
under different masters. Their knowledge of slavery was experi- 
mental. What are we to think, then, of a system which those who 
know it best, dread worse than the chains and cells of a noisome 
prison 1 

A few of the cases of these persecuted and injured people will 
be particularized. 



This man had been for several years in the employ of Forstall 
and Berthoud, merchants in Water-street. His character with his 
employers was excellent. He had married a wife in New York, 
who was much attached to him. When arrested, he made a 
vigorous resistance, and wounded one of the officers, but was over- 
come by superior force, and carried to Bridewell, covered with 
blood and bruises. The anxiety of his wife was very great. She 
was incessant in her endeavors to minister to his wants, and obtain 
his release. She immediately advanced fifty dollars, her own hard 
earnings, to a lawyer, who undertook the cause. Had she been 
better advised, she 'might have had the services of abler counsel, 
without this oppressive expenditure. But the promptness of her 
ction illustrates the strength of her affection. Month after month 
the poor man pined in his cell, but his faithful partner never for- 
sook him. When excluded from the prison, she appeared regu- 
larly at the door, with such comforts as she could procure for 
him. By her importunity, she was at length able to procure bail 
for him, and he was released from his coffin-like cell, looking 
more like the tenant of a real coffin, than a living man. This 
freedom, however, he enjoyed but a week ; a reverse order was 
obtained by \}-^ claimant, and he was again forced into his dun- 
geon. At length, when a decision was given by the Supreme 
Court against allowing a jury trial, he w T as given up to the claim- 
ant, who refused, now, even to sell his freedom to those who were 
willing to purchase it. The agent of the claimant, Mr. G., a lead- 
ing member of a Baptist church, acknowledged that he had full 
authority so to dispose of him, but after what had taken place, he 
felt as though an example ought to be made of him. So he took 
him back to Virginia, and after the most cruel treatment, sold 
him, as he supposed, to go to the south. But here he was mistaken. 
The wife of Martin, with untiring fidelity, solicited funds in his 
behalf, till she had raised 0600; and then, by the assistance of his 
former employers, had him purchased in the name of a southern 
speculator, and in a month from his departure he returned. He 
is now employed by the same merchants as before. 

We do not relate this to show the propriety of buying the free- 
dom of slaves. But it shows the fidelity and affection of the wife, 
and the strong love of liberty in the slave, and the dreadful sin of 
the slave-master. Here is a man, whose extorted labor has paid 
for him many times over, and yet he is claimed as a beast — and 
that by a professing Christian,— who, for the sake of supporting 
the system of slavery, makes an example of him, by selling him to 
the south! And yet this same Christian says, slavery is a bad 
thing, and he is opposed to it! ! 

[To be continued.] 



The two following cases are from an editorial letter, published 
in the Millennial Trumpeter, Mary ville, Tennessee : — 


A case of cruelty to a female slave, which occurred near Mor- 
ganton, I must not omit to mention. The accounts are contradic- 
tory, but the facts, as far as I can learn, are substantially as fol- 
lows. On the 7th of February last, that memorable Saturday 
when the thermometer stood at eight or ten degrees below zero, 
this slave was sent out by her master either to grub or cut wood. 
Two gentlemen passing by, saw her, and told her she must return 
to the house, or she would freeze to death. She replied, that she 
did not dare to do it, that her master had whipped her that morn- 
ing, before sending her out, and would repeat the flogging should 
she return. She however did return ; but was so severely frozen, 
that in a day or two she expired ! The circumstance of the gentle- 
men's addressing her is by some disputed, but of the fact of her ex- 
posure and subsequent death in consequence, there is no doubt. 


Another painful case occurred not very long since in this county. 
A widow lady, having a female slave with two children, was about 
removing from this county to Alabama. The husband of the co- 
lored woman, himself a slave, likewise lived in this county. Both 
master and mistress, and their two slaves, were professors of reli- 
gion, members of the same identical church, and that a Presbyterian 
church. The widow lady applied to her church session for a cer- 
tificate of her good standing. The session felt it would be wrong 
to grant her request, unless she would make such arrangements as 
not to separate husband and wife, parents and children. The pas- 
tor of the church and others interested themselves in the case ; and 
the owner of the black man offered to give what was thought a 
reasonable price for his wife and two children. The widow lady, 
on being applied to, to accede to this proposition, refused ; and when 
her Christian sympathies^ were appealed to, she replied, that her 
friends need not trouble themselves about her concerns, — she could 
attend to her own business while she had her senses, &c. Shortly 
after she sold her black woman to a most wicked man, the keeper 
of a grog-shop, and with the children (the youngest of whom was 
but eleven months old, torn from the breast,) moved out of the 
country; leaving husband and wife together, but separating parents 
and children. She was of course suspended from the church. It 
was said that the purchaser of the woman agreed, when he bought 
her, not to sell her again without her consent. However this may 
be, an opportunity offered a few weeks after, and be sold her to be 
carried to a far country. Her husband, overwhelmed with grief, 
followed her the first evening after her departure, and asked le^ve 


to spend the night with her. Even that favor her inhuman master 
utterly refused. And as the disconsolate husband stood without, 
his ears were saluted with the infernal voice of the tyrant, Chain 
her down! Chain her down!! The poor slave now lives in this 
town. His narration of the bitterness of his grief is enough to melt 
a heart of stone. Previous to his separation from his two children, 
he had lost a child by death. His affliction, he says, was nothing, 
when compared with that of having his two living children torn 
from him for life. This last he thought as much as he could bear. 
But ten-fold greater was the agony of grief, when the conjugal ties 
were broken for ever, and he was awakened to the painful con- 
sciousness of the fact, that his beloved wife was torn from his em- 
braces, and. carried where he should never see her more ! Bereft 
thus of his wife and children, his only consolation is in the promises 
of the gospel. For he is one of Christ's Utile ones. Well may the 
perpetrators of this foul crime (for what else can we call it V) trem- 
ble in apprehension of the merited judgments of Him who hath 
said, " Whoso shall offend one of these little ones which believe in 
me, it were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his 
neck, and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea." My sheet 
is full. I have not room for further remarks, nor indeed are they 
necessary. May God open the eyes of our churches to see the 
enormities of slavery as it exists among us, and to rid themselves 
of a participation in its guilt. 

Yours, &c. D. Hoyt. 

"But these are only extraordinary cases. Slaveholders are not all 
so cruel." Well, suppose they are not; are they not, after all, sup- 
porting the cruel system, which leads to thousands of such cases % 
Are not the kind supporting it more effectually than the cruel 1 
Slavery would soon be abolished, were it not for the kind slave- 
holders. Yes, it would be abolished, were it not for a few kind 
slaveholders, for it is an undeniable fact, that " cruelty is the rule, 
and kindness the exception." 

FRAGMENTS.— Communicated by a Lady, 


When the celebrated Masillon preached his first Advent at Ver- 
sailles, Louis XIV. addressed him in the following words: "Father, 
I have heard many fine orators in my chapel, and have besn very 
much pleased with them ; but while I have heard you, I have been 
very much displeased with myself." Ask the American slave-holder 
to what two societies this remark would be applicable ! 


An individual from West Boylston, Mass., accosted D. L. Child 
the other day, saying, "Well, I heard your anti-slavery discourse 
last July. But, I'll tell you what, you abolitionists go a great deal 


too far. What is the use of getting up such an excitement all over 
the country 1 What a fuss they are having in Worcester now, 
refusing to grant the tavern-keepers a license ; what's the use of 
such things V 

" The excitement at Worcester relates to temperance, not to 
anti-slavery," replied Mr. Child. 

"Oh, yes, yes, I know that," replied the complainant, "but then 
they are pretty much tfie same thing." 


An honest countryman said to a citizen of Boston, the other day, 
" Well, I've never heard that 'ere Mr. Thompson, that folks taik 
so much about, but somehow it don't seem sort o' right to me that 
he should go a leclerizing about the country." Could the man 
have chosen a more appropriate word ? Mr. Thompson's elo- 
quence is indeed an electric machine, which even in the dead limbs 
of the body politic produces spasmodic motions, while it is sure to 
arouse the dormant vital spark, wheresoever the principle of life is 
not totally extinct. 


The Bedouin Arabs call themselves "Lords of the Desert," and 
conceive that they have an undoubted right, by inheritance, to seize 
a portion of the goods of every person who passes through the de- 
sert ; yet they would consider it a grievous affront upon their honor 
to be called robbers. They say the right of compelling travellers 
to pay heavy toll was handed down to them by their ancestors, and 
if deprived of it, they could not live as they have always been ac- 
customed to do; besides, they urge the fact, that they seldom take 
all a traveler's property ; that they generally, from mere courtesy 
and liberality, leave him a share of his own goods. 

What honorable example do the slave owners here find for the 
extreme generosity which induces them sometimes to allow a la- 
borer a small portion of his own earnings ! 


[From Pringle's African Sketches.] 
Prom ocean's wave a wanderer came, 

With visage tanned and dun : 
His mother, when he told his name, 

Scarce knew her long lost son; 
So altered was his face and frame 

By the ill course he had run. 

There was hot fever in his blood, 
And dark thoughts in his brain; 

And oh ! to turn his heart to good 
That mother strove in vain, 


For fierce and fearful was his mood, 
Racked by remorse and pain. 

And if, at times, a gleam more mild 

Would o'er his features stray, 
When knelt the widow near her child, 

And he tried with her to pray j 
It lasted not — for visions wild 

Still scared good thoughts away. 

" There's blood upon my hands !" he said, 

m Which water cannot wash; 
It was not shed where warriors bled- 

It dropped from the gory lash, 
As I whirled it o'er and o'er my head, 

And with each stroke left a gash. 

" With every stroke I left a gash, 

While negro blood sprang high ; 
And now all ocean cannot wash 

My soul from murder's- dye; 
Nor e'en thy prayer, dear mother, quash 

That woman's wild d^ath ciy ! 

"Her cry is ever in my ear, 

And it will not let me pray; 
Her look I see — her voice I hear — 

As when in death she lay, 
And said, 'With me thou must appear 

On Gcd's great judgment-day !' ' J 

11 Now, Christ, from frenzy keep my son !" 

The woful widow cried ; 
" Such murder foul thou ne'er hast done-^ 

Some fiend thy soul belied !" — 
" Nay, mother ! the Avenging one 

Was witness when she died ! 

" The writhing wretch with furious heel 

I crushed — no mortal nigh ; 
But that same hour her dread appeal 

Was registered on high ; 
A.nd now with God I have to deal, 

And dare not meet his eye !"* 

* Long after the sketch entitled "The Slave Dealer" was written, I found the 
following account of a case remarkably similar to the supposed one. related by 
the Rev. T. R. England at an anti-slavery meeting at Cork, in September, 1829 :— 

M One day I was sent for to visit a sailor who was approaching fast to his eter- 
nal account. On my speaking to him of repentance, he looked sullen and turned 


[Taken from the lips of an old soldier.] 

Health to the sick and wounded, honor to the crave, 
Success to the American nag, and freedom to the slave. 


The following is an exact report of a conversation which took place, 
in one of our cities, between the magistrate who grants licenses, and a 
colored man, who applied for a license to drive a cart. 

" C. "Will your honor grant me a license to drive a cart? 

" M. Are there any colored men who drive carts 1 

" C. I do not know, sir. 

" M. It is not customary for colored men to drive carts. 

" C. Not if they can produce as good recommendation of cha- 
racter as white men % 

11 M. Let me see your recommendation. — It is a very good one. 

" C. Is it good enough to obtain a license to sell rum, sirl 

" M. O yes : go to the alderman of the ward in which you live, 
rnd he will attend to it; we grant colored men tavern licenses. 

" C. I don't want to sell rum, sir. I want to get an honest living. 
Is my unfortunate color the cause of your honor's refusing to grant 
me a license to get an honest living 1 

" M. I cannot" hold any argument on that subject; it will not 
change my mind." 

Now why will not the friends of humanity encourage colored men, 
especially young men, "to get an honest living?" Is it any wonder 
that we should find colored men degraded and vile, when they are by 
custom excluded from the best employments ? He who can take a 
colored lad and establish him in a good trade t will have struck an ef- 
fectual blow at prejudice and slavery. 


At one of the business meetings of the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, Mr. Birney, of Kentucky, made a very interesting state- 
ment of facts, in regard to the progress and prospects of the anti- 
slavery cause, in his own and other slave states. We regret our 
inability to occupy many pages with this instructive statement. 
Our brief notes will furnish only a few fragments. 

burst into tears. " Oh !" said he, " I can never expect mercy from God. I was 
ten years on board a slave ship, and then superintended the cruel death of many 
a slave. Many a time, amid the screams of kindred, has the sick mother, father, 
aaid new born babe, been wound up in canvass nnd remorselessly thrown over- 
board. Now their screams haunt me, night and day, and I have no peace, and 
expect no mercy !" — African Sketches, page 526. 



Mr. Birney states, that it is not the common practice of profes- 
sedly Christian slave-holders to have their slaves attend family 
worship. And in cases where they do attend, certain passages are 
always omitted in reading the Scriptures. He himself, while a 
slave-holder, had his slaves called in to family prayers ; and he 
frankly confessed, that he once took the liberty of altering one of 
Watts' hymns, to accommodate it to slavery. Where the poet had 
used the expression, "like slaves before the throne," he made him 
say, abject before the throne ! thus escaping beyond the compre- 
hension of his own objects. 


Mr. B. one morning rode up to a school-house, wnere in the 
evening there was to be a discussion on the merits of colonization 
and anti-slavery. An old, remarkably intelligent, and rather pri- 
vileged slave, called Colonel, was at work putting the house in or- 
der. " Ah," said Mr. B., "No school to-day, Colonel?" "No, 
massa," said the slave, not knowing Mr. B., " there is to be a great 
discussion here to-night." ''Indeed; well, what is it about?" 
"Don't know, massa; it's something about freeing the slaves, 
though." " And what do y«ou think about freeing the slaves 1" 
"Don't know, massa; don't know," replied the old man, sha- 
king his head, and resuming his work. Mr. B. passed on a 
little way. In the mean time the old colonel discovered by some 
means that he had been speaking to no other than Mr. Birney, who 
was to be engaged in the discussion: Soon after, when Mr. B. re- 
turned that way, he dropped his broom, rushed out to meet him, 
seized his hand, would have him alight, and come in and talk all 
about emancipation. He had now forgotten his prudent " Don't 
know, massa." r 


It is a happy circumstance that there is no law against either 
emancipation or instruction in Kentucky. The law regulating 
emancipation only requires a bond for the maintenance of the aged 
and infirm, and a provision for the rights of creditors. But the 
person emancipated cannot again be reduced to slavery, by any 
informality in the proceedings, neither is he compelled to quit, the 
State. Bibles, and tracts, and missionaries, may be sent to the 
siaves of Kentucky, and there is no law to exclude them. No slave- 
holder there has a pillow for his conscience to rest on, while he 
waits for the Colonization Society to transport his slaves to Africa. 

It is a remarkable fact, that while Mr. Birney has lectured on 
immediate abolition, in many places in Kentucky, without reserve, 
he has never been molested by a mob, nor ever seriously inter- 
rupted. It was not till he entered the free states, that he entered 
the region where arguments are met with clubs and brickbats. 



The Kentucky State Anti-Slavery Society admits no slave- 
holders. Mr. Birney emancipated a family of six persons, and 
Professor Buchanan, President of the society, three. * They are all 
sober and industrious. The man whom Mr. Birney emancipated 
was always faithful and diligent, but since he has been at work on 
wages, Mr. B. has found it necessary to entreat him not to work 
too hard. He has laid up half his wages. 


In regard to schools, academies and other seminaries, the 
south is almost a desert. Slavery benights the masters hardly 
less than the slaves. The whites are so scattered, teachers 
are so scarce, and the expense of employing them so great, that 
many even of the wealthy grow up entirely without education. 
Mr. Birney thinks that in Alabama, in the course of his practice 
as a lawyer, he found one white man out of every seven who could 
not write his name. He has known slaves who were better edu- 
cated than their masters. In one instance he knew a "true bill" 
found by a grand jury against a school-master for the crime of 
teaching colored children, which was signed by the foreman with 
a mark, because he could not write his* name ! 


It is an obvious and undeniable fact, that where slaves become 
hopefully pious, and join a church, they seldom join the same church 
or communion with the master! If he is a Presbyterian, they be- 
come Methodists or Baptists, or the reverse. The greater propor- 
tion join the Methodists, as Mr. B. supposes, because the discipline 
of that church forbids its preachers to hold slaves.* 


About 3 or 4,000 slaves, in the opinion of Mr. Birney, are every 
year carried down the river from Kentucky. In this trade, sepa- 
ration of families constantly occurs, besides many other heart- 
rending cruelties. A striking instance, Mr. B. mentioned. A mem- 
ber of a church, last winter, sold a woman who was soon to be a 
mother. She knew nothing of the bargain, till she was bound and 
seated on a horse behind the slave-trader. In her struggles she 
was thrown to the ground, and much injured. This did not deter 
the soul-drivers from their purpose. They again bound the wo- 
man to the horse, carried her eight miles to Harrodsburgh, and 
threw her into a cold room in the jail. In this forlorn situation 
her child was born, and died. A burning fever came and released 

* This discipline has been evaded in many of the states, the conference ha- 
ving decided that they may hold slaves when the law forbids emancipation. 
The local preachers especially have many slaves. 


the mother also. When the Christian woman-seller was reproved 
for his murderous act, he was sorry, and said he would never do 
so again. Yes, and so are all sorry — they abhor slavery — they 
wish it had never been permitted — they long to be rid of it. Aye, 
for they know the gulf that lies before them; but yet they cannot 
now break off the yoke. Why will not American. Christians be 
faithful in holding iip to their view the doom that awaits those who 
make property of God's image ? 


We often hear it said, " yes, to be sure, the colored people might 
be allowed a civil, a legal, a political equality, but what good 
could it do theml They cannot have here a domestic, a social 
equality. Public feeling revolts from it. It can never be. And 
what would their political rights avail them without if?" Now, 
what does God say 1 " Love thy neighbor as thyself." Does God 
mean by this to establish a mere political equality? — a sort of 
equality which allows one man to say to another, " you may vote 
at the polls with me, you may try and be tried at the same courts 
and by the same laws with me, but you must not sit in as good a 
pew as I do at church, you must not sit by my side at the Lord's 
table, nor at mine, you must not expect my children to mingle with 
yours in the same schools and sports, — and all this, whatever may 
be your refinement, or probity, or piety, or talents ; no, if you would 
avoid eternal bickering and ill blood between us, you had better 
cross the ocean 1" God has commanded us to be merciful to our 
beasts, and if he had intended that we should regard a portion of 
our fellow men as inferior, and not to be met openly, and cordially, 
and fully, as neighbors, as brethren, as equals, why did He not adopt 
similar language in regard to them 1 Why did He tell us that He 
made all nations of one blood. 



Slavery ! second-born of hell, 
Child of sin, and twin of death ! 

Who thy brood of woes can tell, 
Drawing from thee kindred breath? 

Pride, and hate, and lust, and crime. 

Dark revenge and cruelty; 
Woes that end not even with time, 

Woes that curse eternity. 



Freedom ! daughter of the skies, 
Born amidst primeval light ; 

Thousand joys around thee rise, 
Thousand woes are put to flight. 

Love, and peace, and hope, are thine, 
Lofty thought, and virtue pure, 

Joys of life, and life's decline, 
Joys that ever more endure. 



From April 12, 1835, to May 12, 1835. 

Donations received by the Treasurer. 

East Hampton, Mass., Samuel Wel- 

Morristown, N. J. , James Cooke, 
Austinburg, Ohio, Monthly Concert, 
New York, J. Rankin, 
Portland, Me., Mrs C. Winslow, 

" MissL. M. Winslow, 
" L. E. Winslow, 
" " Nathan Winslow, 

Massachusetts, Mrs. F. Southwick, 
" " Mary D. Byrd, 

Boston, Increase Gilbert, 
" S. G. Shipley, 
Collections by Amos A. Phelps. 
Newburg, Alfred C. Roe, 
" James G. Roe, 
" Susan E. Roe, 
" Mrs. G. F. Martin, 
Wrentham, Nancy George, 
Troy, John P. Cusliman, Esq., 
" S. K. Stow, 
" Wm. M. Bliss, Jr. 
" O. Montague, 
" Cash, 
" T. B. Bigelow, 
11 J. Chichester, 
" James Raymond, 
" Edward S. Fuller, 
u Dayton H. Fuller, 
" P. B. Manchester, Esq., 
Albany, Cash, 

" S. J. Penneman, 
N. Safford, 
Troy, P. Allen, 
** Cash, 

" Gurdon Grant, Esq., 
" Charles Eastoo, 
New York, Jos. Beale, 
v'are, Mass., E. C. Pritchett, 
1 rVman, Ohio, Rev. N. Cobb, 
F • ids in Chester, 
N» York, George Hamlinton, 
U'oa, James Lightbody, Esq., 
* w York, Thomas Irving, 
jbanon,Conn., Mrs. S. Ely, 
Randolph, Ohio, Anti Slavery Society, 3 
tVinsburgh, Ohio, Miss Mills, 
Perry, N. Y., Anti -Slavery Society 

5 00 

10 00 

10 00 

100 00 

20 00 

5 00 

5 00 

100 00 

5 00 

1 00 

100 00 

100 00 

9 02 

1 00 



2 00 

1 00 

20 00 

5 00 

5 00 

2 00 

1 00 

20 00 

1 00 

1 00 

1 00 

1 00 

2 38 

1 00 

25 00 

5 00 

3 00 

1 00 

10 00 

2 00 

5 00 

20 00 

3 00 

5 00 

1 00 

3 00 

10 00 

2 00 

, 3 00 

7 25 

5 00 

A Lady in Columbia Co., N. Y., 10 00 

Sandy Hill, Contribution M. Concert, 2 00 

Palmyra, N. Y., A Friend, 11 00 

New York, C. E. Beach, 2 00 

Roxbury, Mass. , Miss L. Clark, 5 00 

Amherst, Mass., A Friend, SO 
" " An Amherst Collegian, 1 00 

Woodbury, Conn., N. Pierce, 1 50 

New York, Robert Shapley, 2 00 

Total, 680 10 

John Rankin, Treasurer, 

No. 8 Cedar St 

Monthly Collections received by the Publish- 

ing Agent. 

Aurora, O., Mrs. H. Seward, 1 00 

Brighton, N. Y., by Joseph Bloss, 5 00 

Cumminsville, O., by H. Lyman, 3 00 

Cincinnati, " " " 3 00 

Chilicothe, O, R. Long, 50 

Catskill, N. Y., R. Jackson, 3 00 
Farmington, N. Y, by Wm. R. Smith, 5 00 

Felton, Con., C. Felton, l 50 

Hudson, O., F. W. Upson, 75 

Milan, N. Y., J. R. Pinneo, 2 75 

Midletown, Con , by Mr. Baldwin, 5 00 

New York, R. Aikman, 2 00 

Dr. Doolittle, l 25 

Rev. J. Lillie, 1 QO 
New Haven, Con. , by Rev. S. S. Jocelyn, 3 00 

Norwalk, Con., George Low, 2 00 

Palmyra, N. Y., E. S. Townsend, 12 00 

Philadelphia, Pa., Ladies A. S. So., 5 00 

Rome, N. Y., by Dr. A. Blair, 5 00 

Rochester, N. Y. . Dr. W. W. Reid, 26 To 

Waterville, Me., by S. S. Bradford, 5 00 

Windham, O., Rev. W. Hanford, t SB 

Records sold at office, 16 93 

Books and Pamphlets sold at office, 158 8* 

Total, $269 52 

R. G. Williams, 
Publishing Agent Am. A. S. 8. 
Total Receipts, $949 63 

The Treasurer of the New York City 
Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society acknowledges 
the receipt of $149 13 in the months of March, 
April, and May.— For particulars see Eman- 



VOL. I. 

JULY, 1835. 

NO. 7- 

[See page 63.] 



This man was arrested as a fugitive, by a Virginia planter, and im- 
prisoned in Bridewell, where he remained eighteen months. The in- 
mates of the prison knew him well, and they were always ready to 
speak a good word for Downing. After the planter had got his legal 
right allowed, either because his lawyer's bill was so heavy, or because 
he hoped Downing's friends would buy him, he neglected to take him 
Bway for three months. By this delay he forfeited his right to do so, 
as was decided by Judge^Edwards. But Downing's release was refer- 
red to the Supreme Court, which was to meet id two weeks. To the 
disappointment of every body, this was prevented by another Judge* 
who, contrary to his promise, secretly wrote for, and by a partial 
statement, obtained from the Supreme Court, at Albany, an order tor 
the removal of poor Downing, and, before his friends were aware ot 
the plot, he was skipped for Virginia. 

* See Emancipator for November 4, 1834. 


Here we see intrigue and perfidy used with impunity to deprive 
this poor man of his liberty, which, had it been used in the case of a 
dog, would have consigned its perpetrators to remediless disgrace. — 
Such is the strength of a pro-slavery public sentiment ! 


Was a young man of small stature, but of keen eye and intelli* 
gent countenance. While a lad, in the time of the last war, he 
and his master were taken prisoners at sea and carried to Nova 
Scotia. His servile condition becoming knr *vm to the British offi- 
cers, they compelled his master to give him f . 3 e papers. But when 
the prisoners were exchanged, his master peibjaded him to return 
with him to Virginia, by the promise that he should still be free. 
But he was sold. In Richmond he for some years fiad hired his 
time, and kept a well known fruit shop. At last he became the 
marriage portion of his -master's daughter, and Was speedily to be 
removed as part and parcel of the set out of the bride. To this he 
demurred, threw himself upon his inalienable rights, and came to 
New York. Here he occupied himself for some months as a wait- 
er, much to the satisfaction of his employer. The object of his 
affections, a very worthy and industrious free colored girl, had 
found her way to New Haven, Connecticut. Thither it was fixed 
that Francis should follow, and after their marriage they should 
proceed with their united means to a place of greater safety. But 
the kind|Christian white bridegroom had come on from Virginia to 
search for his runaway property, and by the aid of a professed slave 
taker in the city, discovered the retreat of Francis and his intended 
movements. At the appointed hour for the steamboat to start, the 
colored young man came quietly on board with his little bundle. 
The fell tigers were in ambush — the slave-taker Boudinot, a 
constable, and the lily-fingered white bridegroom aforesaid. The 
latter delicately pointed at the victim. A pounce was made upon 
him by Boudinot. Smith, after a scuffle of a moment, in which his 
antagonist received a scratch from his knife, darted on shore, cried 
" kidnappers," and fled. The pursuers raised the cry of " murder- 
er, stop the murderer." The crowd thus deceived ran after him. 
Clubs, stones, and brickbats, were hurled at the poor fugitive with- 
out mercy, and he was at last brought to the ground, weltering in 
his blood. The owner took care to save his "property" from far- 
ther injury by having it conveyed to the old Bridewell. Thus was 
the happiness of this humble pair frustrated, that the delicate fin- 
gers of another pair might be spared the vulgar necessity of doing 
something for the support of their owners. And all this was done 
by law. During the law's delay. Francis for months occupied one 
of the coffin cells, the heat and smothering stench of which, added 
to his disappointment and his galling manacles, were too much for 
his brain. Often were his wild ravings heard by the passengers 
on the outside. 

His intended bride, in the bitterness of her grief and disappoint- 


merit, -ofiered her little all, amounting to about $300, for his ransom, 
but it was of no avail. 

[From the Declaration of Sentiments of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Convention.] 

We believe slavery to be a sin — always, every where, and only 
sin. Sin in itself, apart from the occasional rigors incidental to its 
administration, and from all those perils, liabilities, and positive 
inflictions to which its victims are continually exposed, sin in the 
nature of the act which creates it, and in the elements which con- 
stitute it. Sin, because it converts persons into things ; makes men 
property, God's image, merchandise. Because it forbids men to 
use themselves for the advancement of their own w T ell being, and 
turns them into mere instruments to be used by others solely for 
the benefit of the users. Because it constitutes one man the owner 
of the body, soul, and spirit of other men — gives him power and 
permission to make his own pecuniary profit the great end of their 
being, thus striking them out of existence as beings possessing 
rights and susceptibilities of happiness, and forcing them to exist 
merely as app^nrbges to his own existence. In other words, be- 
cause slavery holds and %sts men, as mere means for the accomplish- 
ment of '" ads, of ivhich ends their oxen interests are not apart, — thus 
annihilating the sacred ar.d eternal distinction between a person 
and a thing, a distinction proclaimed an axiom by all human con- 
sciousness -a lisiiaetion created by God, — crowned with glory and 
honcr if. the attiibves of intelligence, morality, accountability s^r* 
immortal existence, ar.d commended to the homage of universal 
mind, by the concurrent testimony of nature, conscience, provi- 
dence, and revelation, by the blood of atonement and the sanctions 
of eternity, authenticated by the seal of Deity, and in its own nature, 
efifaceless and immutable. Triis distinction, slavery c Jitemns, dis- 
annuls, and tramples under foot. This is its fundamental element, 
— its vital constituent' principle, that which ma*:es it a sin in itself 
under whatever modification existing. All the incidental effects of 
the system flow spontaneously " v om this fountain-heid. The con- 
stant exposure of slaves to outi age, and the actual inflictions which 
they experience in innumerable forms, all result legitimately from 
this principle, assumed in the theory and embodied in the practice 
of slave holding. 


That our readers may know familiarly the horrors of the Ameri- 
can " Middle passage," we extract from the report on the free co- 
lored population of Ohio the case of Mary Brown. Let the dainty 
sentimentalists, who tremble to approach the " delicate" subject, stand 


off; but if there are any who wish to help their suffering fellow 
creatures, let them come and look at the naked ugliness of things 
as they are, till the}' feel something like an honest and practical in- 
dignation against the whole system of man-driving. 

"Mary Brown, another colored girl who was kidnapped in 
1830, was the daughter of free parents in Washington city. She 
lived with her parents until the death of her mother; she was then 
seized and sold. The following are the facts as she stated them. 
One day when near the Potomac bridge, Mr. Humphreys, the she-, 
riff, overtook her, and told her that she must go with him. — She 
inquired of him, what for % He made no reply, but told her to 
come along. He took her immediately to a slave auction. Mary 
told Mr. Humphreys that she was free, bu + , he contradicted her, 
and the sale went on. The aucti jiie* r soon found a purchaser, and 
struck her off for three hundred and hfty dollars. Her master was 
a Mississippi trader, and she was immediately taken to the jail. 
After a few hours, Mary was handcuffed — chained to a man slave, 
and started in a drove of about forty for New Orleans. Her hand- 
cuffs made her wrists swell so that they were obliged to take them 
off at night, and put fetters on her ankles. In the morning her 
handcuffs were again put on. Thus they travelled for two weeks, 
wading rivers, and whipped up all da} r , and beaten at night, if they 
did not get their distance. Mary says that she frequently waded 
rivers in her chains with water up to her waist. It was in October, 
and the weather cold and frosty. After traveling thus twelve or 
fifteen days, her arms and ankles became so swollen that she felt 
that she could go no farther. Blisters would form on her feet as 
large as dollars, which at night she would have to open, while all 
day the shackles would cut into her lacerated wrists. They had 
no beds, and usually slept in barns, or out on the naked ground — 
was in such misery when she lay down that she could only lie and 
cry all night. Still they drove them on for another week. Her 
spirits became so depressed, and she grieved so much about leaving 
her friends, that she could not eat, and every time the trader caught 
her crying, he would beat her, accompanying it with dreadful 
curses. The trader would whip and curse any of them whom he 
found praying. One evening he caught one of the men at prayer 
—he took him, lashed him down to a parcel of rails, and beat him 
dreadfully. He told Mary that if he caught her praying he would 
give her Hell ! ! (Mary was a member of the Methodist Church 
mi Washington.) There were a number of pious people in the com- 
pany, and at night when the driver found them melancholy, and 
disposed to pray, he would have a fiddle brought, and make them 
dance in their chains. It mattered not how sad or weary they 
were, he would whip them until they would do it. 

" Mary at length became so weak that she could travel no further. 
Her feeble frame, was exhausted and sunk beneath her accumu- 
lated sufferings. She was seized with a burning fever, and the 
trader, fearing he should lose her, carried her the remainder of 
the way in a wagon. 


"When they arrived at Natchez, they were all offered for sale, 
and as Mary was stiil sick, she begged that she might be soia to a 
kind master. She would sometimes make this request in presence 
of purchasers— but was always insulted for it, and after they were 
gone, the trader would punish her for such presumption. On one 
occasion he tied her up by her hands, so that she could only touch 
the end of her toes to the floor. This was soon after breakfast ; he 
kept her thus suspended, whipping her at intervals through the 
day — at evening he took her down. She was so much bruised, that 
she could not lie down for more than a week afterwards. He often 
beat and choked her for another purpose, until she was obliged to 
yield to his desires. 

" She was at length sold to a Wealthy man of Vicksburg at four 
hundred and fifty dollars, for a house servant. But he had another 
object in view. He compelled her to gratify his licenti' ais passions 
and had children by her. This was the occasion of s j much diffi- 
culty between him and his wife, that he has now s' ,nt her up to 
Cincinnati to be free. 

" We have no reason to doubt the account of Mary hs given above. 
The person from whom we heard this took it dowi from her own 
lips. Her manner of relating it was perfectly sim A le and artless, 
and is here written out almost verbatim. We have ilso the testi- 
mony of a number of individuals who knew her in Vicksburg 5 
they have no doubt of her integrity, and say that we ma' T rely im- 
plicitly upon the truth of any statement which she may make." 


[From a Report on the Free Colored Population of Ohio.] 

" Calling upon a family not long since, whose children did not 
come to school very regularly, We found the father ana mother 
were out at work. On saying to the eldest child, aged about ten 
years, " why dont you come to school^ my girl V she replied, " I'm 
staying at home to help buy father." 

" As this family attend the sabbath school, we w T ill state some par- 
ticulars respecting them, to illustrate a general fact. Their histo- 
ry is, by no means, a remarkable one. Conversing with them one 
day, they remarked : " We have been wonderfully blessed ; not one 
in a hundred is treated so well as we have been." A few years 
since, the mother, an amiable woman^ intelligent, pious, and be- 
loved by all who knew her, was emancipated. But she lived in 
continual dread lest her husband, who was still a slave, should be 
sold and separated from her forever. After much painful solicita- 
jtion, his master permitted him to come to Cincinnati, to work out. 
his freedom. Although under no obligation, except his verbal 
promise, he is now, besides supporting a sickly family, saving from 
his daily wages the means of paying the price of his body. The 
monev is sent to a nephew of his master, who is now studying for 


the ministry, in Miami University. The following is an extract 
from the correspondence of this candidate for the ministry. It h 
addressed to this colored man. 

♦Mr. Overton: 

Sir, I have an order on you for $150, from your old master. It is in considera- 
tion of your dues to him for your freedom. I am in great Want of the money, 
and have been for some time. I shall only ask you 10 per cent interest, although 
12 is common. The money has been due two months. If you cannot pay it be- 
fore the last of March, 1 shall have to return the order to Uncle Jo, — for I cannot 
wait longer than that time. It must also run at 12 per cent interest henceforth. 
If you cannot pay it all, write to me, and let me know whon you can. Uncle Jo 
requests me to let him know when you would have any more money for him. 

Yours in haste." 

" This is only one of a series of dunning letters which came every 
few weeks. Soon after the reception of this, Mr. Overton scraped 
together the pittance he had earned, and sent the young man $100, 
with interest. And he is now going out at days work, and his wife, 
when able, is taking in washing, to pay the balance." 


We have heard the claim that some men are born slaves, but 
from the following fact we see that the all-grasping genius of sla- 
very is not always contented to wait for birth. It claims a right of 
property in men before they are born. 

" Another individual had bargained for his wife and two children. 
Their master agreed to take $420 for them. He succeeded at 
length in raising the money, which he carried to their owner. ' I 
shall charge you $30 more than when you was here before,' said 
the planter, ' for your wife is in a family-way, and you may pay 
thirty dollars for that, or not take her, just as you please.' ' And 
so,' said he, (patting the head of a little son three years old, who 
hung upon his knee,) ' I had to pay thirty dollars for this little fel- 
low, six months before he was born.'" — Ohio Report. 


Our colored brethren have always understood that colonization 
means expatriation, a cruel driving out of the country. And it is 
remarkable how few of them, by all the art, and argument, and 
benevolence too, of the colonization community, have been per- 
suaded to embra e the scheme. An old colored woman, who had 
been most of tier life a slave in Virginia, said to the writer of this* 
when he ifpoke to her vf the bright prospects of Liberia, "Ah, sir, 
if it's going to be so good a place, the white folks will come and 
take it, by and by. I know them well enough. They always take 
what's best." It is needless to say that this woman could not be 
convinced of the benevolence of colonization. It is not to be denied 
by any body, that there is in this country a very general hatred o 


the colored people. And it might have been predicted with cer- 
tainty, that any plan for their general removal, however benevolent 
its motive, and however careful it might be to act only by their own 
consent, would bring into life and action a general desire to drive 
them out. Such has been the fact in regard to the American Co- 
lonization Society. We have abundance of proof, but at present 
have only room for the following. 

Extract from the Maryland Temperance Herald, of May 30, 1835. 
"We are indebted to the committee of publication, for .jie first 
number of the Maryland Colonization Journal, |new quarterly pe- 
riodical, devoted to the cause of colonization in our state. Such a 
paper has long been necessary; we hope this will be useful. 

"Every reflecting man must be convinced, that the time is not 
far distant when the safety of the country will require the EXPUL- 
SION of the blacks from its limits. — It is perfect folly to suppose 
that a foreign population, whose physical peculiarities must forever 
render them distinct from the owners of the soil, can be permitted 
to grow and strengthen among us with impunity. Let hair-brained 
enthusiasts speculate as they may, no abstract considerations of the 
natural rights of man will ever elevate the negro population to an 
equality with the whites. As long as they remain in the land of 
their bondage, they will be morally, if not physically, enslaved, and 
indeed, as long as their distinct nationality is preserved, their en- 
lightenment will be a measure of doubtful policy. Under such cir- 
cumstances, every philanthropist will wish to see them removed, 
but gradually, and with as little violence as possible. For effecting 
this purpose, no scheme is liable to so few objections as that of Af- 
rican Colonization. It has been said that this plan has effected but 
little — true, but no other has done any thing. We do not expect 
that the exertions of benevolent individuals will be able to rid us 
of the millions of blacks who oppress and are oppressed by us. All 
they can accomplish, is, to satify the public of the practicability ot 
the scheme — they can make the experiment — they are making it, 
and with success. The state of Maryland has already adopted this 
plan, and before long, every southern state will have its colo- 
ny. The whole African coast will be strewn with cities, and then 
should some fearful convulsion render it necessary to the public 
of refuge will have been provided for them in the land of their fa- 

At a convention of gradualists and colonizationists, held on the 
23d of May, 1835, at Shelbyville, Kentucky, the following resolu- 
tions were passed. 

"Resolved, That the system of domestic slavery, as it exists in 
this commonwealth, is both a moral and political evil, and a viola- 
tion of the natural rights of man. 

"Resolved, That no system of emancipation will meet with our 
approbation, unless colonization be inseparably connected with it; 
and that any scheme of emancipation which shall leave the blacks 


within our borders, is more to be deprecated than slavery it- 

So the only condition on which the slaves are to be emancipated 
is exile. This is no emancipation at all. For if a man is free, he 
must be free to stay in the land of his birth. The plain meaning 
of these resolutiuiis is, that the resolvers are so bent upon expatria- 
ting their poor colored laborers, that they rush on to a " violation 
rf the natural rights of man" to effect their purpose. "Would it be 
ity worse in principle to free the slaves by cutting their throats 1 
And again, is it*not wrong to advocate a scheme which gives the 
jeast countenance to such iniquity 1 

At the anniversaries in New Hampshire, the Rev. R. R. Gurley, 
secretary of the American Colonization Society, being called upon 
by Mr. May to give his opinion concerning the Maryland scheme, 
gave utterance to the following remarkable sentiment. With re- 
gard to direct legislation he would confess his mind was not clear. 
This he would say, on his own responsibility, that when the time 
arrived that slavery should become a great political question, he 
conceived it might be justifiable for a state to select a spot, here or 
in Africa, and carry the blanks there, willing or unwilling. But he 
should object to the Maryland scheme, because, at the present time, 
such rigorous laws were unnecessary. 

Here is a sentiment as murderous to the peace of the colored 
people as a dagger thrust into the heart. 


There have recently been two most interesting anti-slavery 
meetings in Pittsburgh, which were addressed by a number of 
members of the Presbyterian General Assembly. In this connec- 
tion, we have the pleasure to state, that forty-eight members, or 
about one fourth part of that body, this year, were found to be fa- 
vorable to immediate emancipation : of these, six are ministers from 
slave states. Last year there wet j only two known abolitionists in 
the Assembly. The speeches at the anti-slavery meetings were 
Christian-like, eloquent,and rich in facts. We make a few extracts. 


" Admitting, as all do, that slavery is a great evil, existing in the 
.and, we would anxiously inquire, Is there no. remedy 1 Is there 
any evil for which God has provided no remedy 1 No, I would 
not slan<fer the Bible, by making such an assertion. Let us all 
come up to the work, shoulder to shoulder, in a pleasant way, (I 
don't like scowls,) and there is no danger but we can get right. I 
have heard many remedies proposed ; and one very queer one : 
'' Belter let it alone.'' This is a very popular remedy. In case of 
slight pain, or momentary head-ach, it will do very well. But who 
ever heard that an acute disease, which racks the whole frame, 
and threatens speedy dissolution, if left to the operations of nature 


will cure itself 1 Sin is an inveterate disease — it has :io e^raiive 
principle — it never gets well of itself. Slavery will n-v&r cure it- 
self. — This let-alone policy — if it were in the church, I would call 
it heresy — it is moral heresy. 

" But, I have heard of another remedy : ' Just leave that question 
to the slave states. What have we at the north to do with sla- 
very'?' But, here is ground for caution. Have not we at the north 
our share in the government of the District of Columbia 1 Do we 
not in fact govern it 1 Yet, that district is the central mart of the 
traffic in human flesh. Yes, sir, we at the north do govern slave 
shambles. Oar hands are not quite so clean as we have supposed 
— as in the dusty atmosphere of Pittsburgh, we often get them a 
little smutty before we are aware of it. 

" My southern brethren never heard me slander them. I am 
candid on this subject. Often do we hear it said, 'What do north- 
ern people know about slavery V Sir, I am not a stranger to sla- 
very. I have resided eleven years at the south, and three or four 
winters into the bargain, and I know something about it. It is ftn 
immense evil. 1 can go, chapter and verse, with the able docu- 
ment that has been read.* It is even so — the very picture of slavery. 
A re our southern brethren infallible 1 Thev are very kind-hearted 
brethren; yet some of them SELL THE IMAGE OF JESUS IN 
THEIR SLAVES! Are they competent judges in the case 3— 
The wise man says, ' A gift bl'indeth the eyes.' They fudge vrJh 
the price of human flesh in their hands." 


Mr. Rankin is brother to Rev. John Rankin, author cf u L tiers 
on Slavery," and is, if we mistake not, by birth a southern irvn. 

li But we are told, ' You at the north know nothing of slavery - 
why meddle with what you do not understand V Sir, we do knew 
what slavery is. It is usurped authority — a system of Legalized 
oppression. If we could show what is this moment transpiring in 
the land of slavery, every bosom in this house would thrill with 
horror. I will state a case: A minister of the gospel owned a fe- 
male slave, whose husband was owned by another man in the same 
neignDoraood. xne Husband, am someinmg supposea to oc an of- 
fence sufficient to justify his master in selling him for the southern 
market. As he started, his wife obtained leave to visit him. She 
took her final leave of him, and started to return to her master's 
house. She went a few steps, and returned and embraced him 
again, and then started the second time to go to her master's house; 
but the feelings of her heart overcame her, and she turned about 
and embraced him the third time. Again she endeavoured to bear 
up under the heavy trial, and return; but it was too much for her 
— she had a woman's heart. She returned the fourth time, em- 
braced her husband, and turned about — a maniac. To judge what 
slavery is, we must place ourselves in the condition of the slave. 
Who that has a wife, who that has a husband, could endure for a 

* The Declaration of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Convent loo. 


moment the thought of such a separation ! Take another case : A 
company of slave dealers were passing through Louisville with a 
drove of slaves, of all classes and descriptions. Among them were 
many mothers with infants in their arms. These often become 
troublesome to the drivers : and in this case, in order to get rid of 
the trouble, the inhuman monsters severed the cords of maternal 
affection, and took these infants, from three to five months old, and 
sold them in the streets of Louisville, for what they could get. Do 
we know nothing of slavery'? Can we shut our eyes to such facts 
as these, which are constantly staring us in the face 1" 


Mr. Boardman directed his address especially to ladies, and we 
should think not without effect. He said : 

"In slavery, marriage is unknown. Men and women live to- 
gether : but the tie is not formally sanctioned. There is no minis- 
ter, no magistrate, to give religious or civil authority to the rela- 
tion. It isa system of concubinage. And this state of things is 
encouraged, or rather marriage is discouraged, because it throws 
an obstacle in the way of the sale of these human chattels. Not- 
withstanding, the ties of affection are not less strong on account of 
the absence of legal or religious sanction, Indeed, the fellowship 
of suffering binds still stronger the hearts of husband and wife. It 
is the only channel of affection. The children of the slave arc not 
his own — they are not subject to his authority, and they may be 
torn from him without a moment's warning. Pent up in every 
other direction, the affections of hus-rand and wife naturally centre 
entirely upon each other. Yet, -*ven this tie is rudely severed. A 
slave in the west, who had a wife belonging to another master, 
learned, to his great grief, that his wife had been sold for the 
southern market. He went to his master, and requested that he 
might be sold, so as not to be separated from his wife. In order to 
dissuade him from it, his master described the hardships to which 
he would be exposed in the south ; but he was firm to his purpose, 
choosing the severe servitude of the su^ar plantations of the south, 
in preference to a separation irom the wile of his bosom. His mas- 
ter then offered him money to satisfy him ; but no, he said he could 
not leave his wife. ' O,' says his master, 'You can get another !' 
' Why, massa, don't you think I am a man !' 

"Another case, I will mention, to show the legitimate effects of 
slavery upon the relations of life. A colored man, who was a 
member of the church, and who had been living with a woman, 
according to the customs of the slaves, went to his master, who was 
an elder in the Presbyterian church, and told him that he did not 
feel right to be living so, and requested permission to be lawfully 
married. And, how do you suppose this reasonable request was 
received'? Although it was a request from one Christian brother 
to another to be permitted to cease frs>m sin, yet it was received 
with a laugh, and positively denied. 

" It is in behal f of woman ; to wefc 1 that this appeal is made, 


It is woman in bondage that calls for woman's sympathies, woman's 
efforts, and woman's prayers. And I feel confident that this appeal 
will not meet a cold repulse, because the object of it has a black 
skin. I remember, in my boyhood, of seeing a eolored man driving 
a cart, and by some accident he was precipitated from his seat, and 
crashed to death. But when the alarm began to spread, I heard it 
said, '0,its only a poor negro that is killed.' But O, thought 1. it 
is a man. And, boy as I was, I remembered that he had an im- 
mortal soul. Ah, think you woman would have said that? No. 
Woman has a heart that can be moved with the sufferings of the 
poor negro. 

" Woman did much for the abolition of slavery in Great Britain 
and her dependencies. When the petition was presented to par- 
liament, it required four men to carry it to the speaker's desk. It 
was signed by 182,000 ladies. A noble lord arose, and with much 
emotion, said, ( It is time for us to move in this matter, when we 
are called upon in this manner by our wives, and sisters, and mo- 
thers !' And I rejoice that the ladies of this country are already 
lifting up their voices on this subject. Sir, I was much gratified 
to hear the voice of 1,000 of my countrywomen raised in the Gene- 
ral Assembly, in behalf of suffering humanity. And, I feel assured 
that woman's voice will be heard. B ut, if man will not hear, there 
is an audience where you can appear with the assurance of being 
heard. O, then, mothers, sisters, wives, let your voice be heard at 
the throne of grace, pleading in behalf of your enslaved sisters, 
and of suffering bondmen. 

"But, the question is asked and reiterated, 'What has abolition 
done'?' What has abolition done! It has done much, sir. It has 
so modified the sentiments of many colonization ists that they speak 
a language in reference to slavery, which would not have been to- 
lerated in 1830. Its voice is now heard in Maryland, in Kentucky, 
in Tennessee, in Missouri — in some places, indeed, it is feeble — in 
others it is the voice of thunder. What has abolition done 7 On 
the first day of August, 1834, it broke the manacles of 800,000 
slaves. The sun set upon them in bondage, and rose upon them 
in freedom." 


" Sir," said Mr. D., " I am not ignorant of slavery. Having 
passed thirty years of my life in a slave state, and having been a 
slave-holder myself, I know something about it. 

" Slavery ,x !he church exposes her to the scoffs of the world. 
Infidels despise a religion which they suppose sanctions such op- 
pression. I once heard a professor of religion laboring to justify 
slavery from the Bible, in the presence of an infidel ; who turnea 
from him with contempt, saying he despised such a religion. 

" It exerts an influence upon the mind of the slave, prejudicial 
to the reception of instruction. Suppose the master himself at- 
tempt to instruct his slaves in the truths of religion — what confi- 
dence can he have in the man, who deprives him of his liberty, and 



robs him of his labor ? I will state a case : An old slave told me, 
" Massa bory 'ligiotis — he bery good Christian. He hab prayers 
ebry Sunday wid the slaves — but he sure to read 'em dat chapter 
what say servants be 'bediecttu massa." 



From May 16, 1835, to June 12, 1835. 

Donations received by the Treasurer. 

Amherst College, E. C. Pritchett, 

H. G. Pendleton, 
Boston, Mass., M. Hayward, 
" " Rev. H. Foote, 
" " B. Kingsbury, 
" " Josliua Southwick, 
" " Wm. Loyd Garrison, 
" " Isaac Knapp, 
David H. Ela, 
" " Rev. S. J. May, 
Geo. A. Baker, 
H. W. Mann, 
David L. Child, 
" " Moses Kimball, 

I., Female A. S. So- 



A Friend, 
Samuel H. Gould, 
Ladies and Gentle- 

Kennebunk, Me 
" " Dr. B. Smart 

Hallowell, Me., E. Dole, 

Robert Gardner, 
John Winslow, 
Rev. S. L. Pomeroy, 



Irville, Ohio, Miss Lewis 

" " Hantn. Lyman, 
Catskill, N. Y., W. H. Smith, 

" " William Adams, 

Albany, N. Y., Timothy Fassett, 

" A. G. Alden, 
New York City, Jeremiah Wilbur, 
Rev. J. N. Sprague, 
" Michael Flagg, 

41 Andrew Savage, 

J. N. McCrommell, 
" James Linnon, 

" A few Friends, 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y., S. Thompson, 
Troy, N. Y., H. Z. Hayner, 
Holden, Mass., Charles White, 
York, N. Y., Anti-Slavery Society, 
Perry, N. Y., S. F. Fhoenix, 
Madison, N. Y., Rev. M. Hart, 
Greenwich, Con., Rev. J. Mann, 

" E. GrifFen, 
New Haven, Con., Dr. I. Ide, 

" " Daniel Hoyt, 

Stratford, Con., Lewis Bears, 

" Charles H. True, 
" Rev. J. Horton, 
" " Thomas Huntington, 

Princeton, N. J., Anthony Simmons, 

" F. Wright, 
Philadelphia, Pa., Arnold Buffum, 

2 50 

2 50 

6 00 

1 00 
1 00 
1 00 

3 00 
3 00 

25 00 


1 00 

26 00 

1 00 
10 00 

5 00 
5 00 
10 00 

2 00 
1 00 
1 00 
1 00 
1 00 

3 00 
1 00 

1 00 

2 00 

1 00 

2 00 
1 00 

7 00 
1 00 
1 00 

1 00 

4 00 

2 45 

8 50 
10 00 

1 00 

1 00 

1 00 

5 00 
1 00 
1 00 
1 00 
5 00 
1 00 
1 00 

Philadelphia, Pa., W. H. Scott, I 00 

" Anti-Slavery So., 50 00 
Ferrisburg, Vt. Mary D. Bird, 1 87 

New York, Henry Green, on $10 sub- 
scription, 5 00 
New York, J. Rankin, for June sub- 
scription, 100 00 
New York, William Green, for May 

and June, 166 66 

Mass., Anti-Slavery Society, 500 00 

New York, A subscription made in 

Chatham-st. Chapel one year ago, 1 00 
Philadelphia, Pa., Ladies A. S. S. 10 00 
Flushing, L. I. L. Van Bokkelin, 2 00 

Providence, R. I. Juvenile A. S. S. 30 00 

Total, $1059 98 

New York, June 12, 1835. 

John Rankin, Treasurer, 
No. 8 Cedar St. 

Monthly Collections received by Publishing 

Agent from May 12 to June 12, 1835. 
Albany, N. Y. , Mrs. Hester Gibbons, 
Buffalo, N. Y., byE. A- Marsh, 
Brooklyn, Con., by Rev. S. J. May, 
Brighton, N.Y., by Dr. W. W. Reid, 
Carlisle, Pa., by H. Duffield, 
Catskill, N. Y., Robert Jackson, 
Dover, N. H., by William H. Alden, 
Dunbarton, N. H., 
Darien, Con., 

East Rutland, Vt., Dea. S. Cotting, 
Farmington, N. Y., by Wm. R. Smith 
Ferrisburgh, Vt. , byR. T. Robinson, 
Hudson, O., by F. W. Upson, 
New Garden, O., by William Griffith, 
New York Mills, N Y. by Rev. L. H. 

Oneida Institute, N. Y. by Wm. J. 

Plattekill, N. Y., Rev. J. M'Cord, 
Philadelphia, Pa. Ladies A. S. So., 
Rochester, tf. Y., by Dr. W. W. Reid, 
Springfield, N. J., James White, 

" Jonath. Parkhurst, 
Starksboro t Vt,, Joel Battey, 
Schenectady, N. Y., by I. G. Duryee, 
Whitesboro, N. Y.,by T. Beebee, 
Records sold at office, 
Books and Pamphlets sold at office, 

Total, #880 65 

R. G. Williams, 
Publishing Agent Am. A. S. S. 
144 Nassau St. 
Total Receipts, ti940 03 

, 1 00 

11 50 

11 13 

2 00 

5 00 

3 00 

20 00 

5 00 

1 38 


, 6 25 

4 00 

5 00 

, 5 00 

' 14 00 

' 24 00 


5 00 

25 00 

1 00 

, 1 00 

1 50 

, 6 00 

10 00 

66 35 

645 66 



VOL. I. 

AUGUST, 1835. [Second Edition.] NO. 8 

[See page 91.] 


Susan. Oh how I wish I could help you, my dear mother ! 

Mother. You do help me, my dear Susan. 

»S. How do I help you, mother'? 

M. I will tell you. When you are good, and do as I bid you, it 
makes my work go on easier. That is oneway you help me. And 
you are able to do many little things which I should have to leave 
off to do, that helps me.' Besides, I can speak to you .of your father, 
and that is pleasant to us both, and so makes my work pleasant. 

S. But, mother, it seems as if you could never get money enough 
to pay for father's freedom, they ask so many, many dollars, and 
you can hardly get one dollar in a day, even when you have work 


enough, and sometimes you cannot get any, and then how sorry I 
feel, and yet I am glad too, to have you rest a little while. 

M. I should be sometimes almost discouraged, only the good 
young gentlemen are so kind, and help us so much, and they say 
they all pray for us. But go to bed now, my dear, and take care 
of yourself, for it would be a great trouble to have you get sick 

The preceding conversation passed between a mother and her 
child, in a small hovel in the most crowded part of the city of Cin- 
cinnati. Lucy, the mother, was among the number of emancipated 
slaves resident there, who, with energy and untiring industry truly 
heroic, are toiling day and night to procure the means of liberating 
some beloved relative or friend still left in bondage. What a stri- 
king manifestation of the power and beauty of the domestic affec- 
tions, which slavery, with all its debasing and deadening influences, 
has so little power to extinguish, or even to weaken! Yet how 
does this aggravate the guilt of that system, which was begun and 
is continued in sundering the dearest ties of domestic life; a sys- 
tem in whose continuance this outrage is an inherent element ! 
But I forbear. I am telling a story, not writing an essay. Yet it 
is almost impossible to keep within bounds, for every relation in 
regard to slavery, brings to light some iniquitous principle belong- 
ing to it, against which it is difficult to avoid stopping to vent our 

But to return to our interesting band of martyrs, martyrs truly 
in their spirit, and, it is to be feared, some of them will be martyrs 
in their fate, for it seems scarcely possible but some of the feeblest 
frames must sink under such long continued labors before their ob- 
ject can be accomplished. Lucy had been made free about two 
years before, by the tardy justice of her mistress, who, at her death, 
had liberated all her slaves. This mistress was a kind, well- 
meaning woman, with only a few domestic slaves, who were made 
as comfortable as the state of slavery admits. Some might say 
happy, but it is degrading the word happiness, to apply it to a state 
where mind has so little place. They had plenty of food and 
clothing, and beds to lie on, and had received more than a usual 
share of moral and religious instruction. Lucy had been the per- 
sonal attendant and favorite of her mistress, who, in leaving her 
her freedom only, without any provision for her or her children, 
showed that she well understood how high a value would be placed 
on the gift. Lucy was now a free woman, and her children were 
ker own ; but Lucy was a wife, and her husband was a slave. 
After many anxious consultations, it was settled between them, 
that Lucy, with her children, should go to a free state, and that 
Ben, her husband, should follow as soon as any way offered, for 
liberty was the day-dream of Ben's existence. Few slaves are 
sunk so low as to be indifferent to the recovery of their birthright, 
freedom. There are few to whom it does not afford a gleam of 
hope. There is a vague, undefined feeling, that at some period or 
other, however distant, the blessing is in store for them. Their 


master, as others have done, may give them freedom, or at least, 
at his death, may leave them free ; or, in the various chances of 
human affairs, some circumstance may occur to open a way to 
freedom. The earnestness with which they desire it. is probably 
generally in proportion to the intellectual development of their 
minds, and their hope in proportion to the power they feel within 
themselves of struggling to attain it. Just as it is in minds farther 
advanced, in proportion to the development of the spiritual nature 
is the strength of the aspiration for purely spiritual enjoyments, 
for that perfect liberty of the soul which can only be attained by 
release from the bondage of sin. In proportion as each one feels 
within himself a power to struggle for this liberty, will be the 
firmness of his belief, that he is destined to the glorious life of un- 
seen realities b?vond this material existence. 

Freedom, as ve have said, was the day-dream of Ben's exist- 
ence, and being as active, intelligent man, he was not without a 
reasonable hope, that he might be able, in time, to purchase it for 
himself. He had already saved a considerable sum, which was 
committed to the care tf Lucy, and he well knew that she would 
make every possible c'^rtion to add to it. This little widowed 
family had been in Cincinnati two years at the time my story opens, 
which was about the period of the excitement at the Lane semina- 
ry. There wrvi't this time a generous sympathy awakened, not 
only at the seminary, but in the city, to befriend the colored in- 
habitants, and Lucy was among the number who received great 
assistance. She had three children, Harry, a stout healthy boy of 
eleven years; Susan, a slender, sickly child of nine; and little 
Ned, about five. The two elder children remembered their father, 
and the little one scarcely understood that he did not, so constantly 
was he hearing and talking of him. At all events, he was fully 
imbued with the animating spirit which pervaded this happy 
family, — happy in having constantly in view the attainment of a 
blessing which called forth all the energies of their nature. 
" Daddy's freedom" was the goal towards which every thought and 
every movement tended. Day and night Lucy was at her washing 
and ironing. Harry brought and carried the clothes, and gave all 
other assistance in his power to his mother in fetching water, pre- 
paring fires, &c. Susan prepared the meals > but her office was 
little more than a sinecure, for they scarcely allowed themselves 
any other food than the broken victuals they were permitted to get 
from a neighboring boarding-house. Little Ned, if he could do no 
more, could clap his hands at the sight of every new bundle of 
clothes brought fur his mother to wash. Some ladies, who had be- 
come interested in the colored people, and saw the exertions the 
whole family were making, took, charge of the children's clothes, 
not only supplying, but making and mending them. Lucy was 
therefore able to keep constantly at work, and to deposite the greater 
part of her earnings in the hoard for " father's freedom." The 
children, too, had their little hoard, in which to place their contri- 
butions for " daddy's freedom." Harry was able by his activity 


and faithfulness to earn a good deal of money for so young a boy ; 
particularly in the season of berries. Harry's berries were sure to 
find purchasers, they were always so clean and so ripe and so 
fresh. All he got this way, and every little piece of money he had 
given him for doing an errand, was scrupulously dropped into the 
" little mug," which contained their treasure. Poor little Sue, 
though not able to add much by her earnings, would sometimes 
have a piece of money given her to buy an orange, because she 
looked so sick, but the self-denying little creature would no more 
have applied it to her own use, than her mother would. No ! 
they felt no other value for money, than that it would hasten the 
hour of " daddy's freedom." Some may doubt the truth of this 
picture, and say, " we can understand and believe the mother's 
self-denial, but children are such selfish little animals, we can't 
believe it of them." No one, however, who is much interested in 
children, and has ever studied their capabilities, will doubt it. 
The power of sympathy alone with an affectionate child, (and what 
child is not affectionate X) would engage its interest for what seem- 
ed to form the great object of its mother's existence. And when 
that object is one it can fully understand, and is a generous one, 
the ardor with which the child's whole soul will be absorbed in it, 
is truly wonderful, and may well put to shame the lukewarm zeal 
of after life. Never but in one instance w T as a farthing of the 
children's withheld from the sacred deposite, and that was by my 
favorite little Ned. But I must describe Ned, to obtain for him 
the good will of my readers ; and I should begin by saying he was 
a very pretty child, but that I fear a smile .from some of the fair of 
both sexes. He was however a bright, intelligent boy, with fine 
features, and of a complexion softened through two or three gene- 
rations in America to a hue which allowed his countenance to 
show the rosy coloring when the blood rushed to his face from ex- 
ercise or increased animation. He walked erect in all the na- 
tive dignity of a prince in the land of his forefathers. He had 
not felt the withering influence of slavery ; he had never shrunk 
from a blow ; he had none of that downcast, abject look, which at 
a few years' later age may be seen in many of his race, whether 
in bondage or nominally free. He was all bright and joyous. If 
any one will look at a group of colored children, and there are 
among them any little boys of four or five, he will scarcely fail of 
seeing a counterpart to Ned. A dignified, important, non-chalant 
air. In an older boy, such a look is what would be generally 
called saucy, but in a younger one it is amusing, and in a colored 
child it is to me peculiarly interesting, as showing that as he comes 
from the hand of his Maker, he is in no degree the inferior of his 
white brethren, but that the depressed and debased state in which 
we too often find the African race, is, alas ! our own work. 
Grievous as it is to behold man thus afflicted by his brother man, 
let us, in filial confidence, rejoice that the reproach does not belong 
to the righteous Father of us all. " Let God be true," though all 
others fall from their integrity. 


Our favorite, Ned, was but a little boy, and was as fond of sweet 
things as any little white boy of the same age. Once a lady, who 
was struck with his pleasing appearance, called him in, and gave 
him half an orange. A few days after this, he had a small piece 
of money given him, and in a moment of forgetfulness he was 
tempted by the example of another boy of the same age, to buy a 
couple of oranges. As he drew near his home, his recollection 
returned, and he began to wish he had his little piece of money to 
give Harry to drop into the little mug. It Was always a scene of 
great rejoicing and clapping of hands whenever any little addition 
was made to their treasure, and he began to think the oranges 
would not be so welcome as the money. He was too artless to 
have a thought of concealing them, but instead of entering with 
his usual air of ease and importance, he opened the door softly> 
and with a constrained air walked timidly, but straight forward., 
up to his mother, who he felt was his most indulgent friend, looking 
first at her and then at the children, as if to learn by the judgment 
they passed on him, what the degree of his offence was. " What 
have you got there, Ned V 1 said Harry. " Two orange. Good 
gentleman give me money. I give it to man in shop, he give me 
two orange. Dick Smith do so." His mother simply said, " I am 
sorry my little boy forgets that his poor father is a slave, and never 
gets such good things to eat." But the other children were not so 
lenient to him. " Oh for shame, Ned," said Harry, " to take the 
money for father's freedom to buy any thing for yourself. I would 
not be so greedy." " Only think of poor father," said little Sue ; 
" if I felt ever so sick, I would not take the money to buy oranges 
with." " Do not say any thing more to him," said his mother ; 
" he did not mean to be naughty, and he won't do so again, but 
will bring home the money to put in the little mug for father." 
Poor little Ned, relieved by his mother's soothing tone, echoed her 
soothing words, " Won't do so again, put money in little mug 
again, sorry;" and as a complete proof of penitence, he ran to 
Harry with the oranges, saying, " put orange in little mug." Find- 
ing they only laughed at this, the little culprit next tried to atone 
for his fault by offering to divide the oranges with them. But they 
would not touch them. Children are stern moralists. They know 
not how to excuse another, for yielding to a temptation which they 
feel themselves able to withstand. Candor and charity are not the 
virtues of youth, but are the growth of self-knowledge and obser- 
vation. Poor little Ned shrunk into a corner with his oranges, 
and the little creature actually felt himself degraded. Right glad 
was he, when the last mouthful disappeared, and it was long before 
he could hear of an orange without a feeling of shame. 

Harry had one day been gone rather longer than usual to the 
boarding-house for the fragments of their dinner. Little Ned, who 
was watching, at last espied him laboring under the additional 
burden of a well known and welcome sight, a large bundle of 
clothes. " He's coming, mother, and he's got a nice great big 


bundle of clothes for you to wash." Harry ran in, overflowing 
with important information. 

" Oh ! mother, there's ever so many strangers at Mrs. Gibson's, 
and I know you'll have the washing of them all, for the gentleman 
I brought these clothes for says he'll ask them, and he's a nice kind 
gentleman, and I'told him all about how hard you worked, and all 
of us, for father's freedom; and I told him all about your great 
box full of money, and about how our little mug was almost full, 
and he gave me a whole quarter of a dollar to put in, and I am 
going to show him that it's the biggest piece we ever. got yet." 

Lucy, who was accustomed to his loquacity, did not till this mo- 
ment turn round, when she beheld a gentleman standing in a very 
thoughtful mood. It was a countenance well known to her, though 
her's was entirely unknown to him. Reader, unless you have 
some portion of romance in your composition, you will not conjec- 
ture who this was. Know, then, it was her husband's master, the 
master of Ben, a slave-holder. These remarkable coincidences 
do certainly sometimes occur in this unromantic, busy, trading 
world, but they are not of man. 

Lucy was greatly agitated, and sunk down on the floor, cover- 
ing her face with both her hands. She had not heard from her 
husband for two years, and she knew that the cholera had been 
very destructive among the colored people in that part of the coun- 
try she had left. Now that information was at hand, she dreaded 
to hear, but suspense was intolerable. " What is the matter, good 
woman T'saii the slave-holder; "what are you frightened at V 1 
With a great mental effort, and raising her heart to heaven for 
support, she sobbed out, " Oh ! master, my poor husband ! is Ben 
alive V 

" Ben, what Ben? I don't know who your husband is." 

" Oh master ! Ben Wilson, your carpenter, that's got a great scar 
on his right cheek." 

It was now the slave-holder's turn to be agitated, but repressing 
his emotion, he hastened to relieve Lucy. 

" My carpenter, Ben, your husband! Yes, he's alive and well, 
and as honest, faithful a fellow, as ever." 

" Thank God ! thank God !" said Lucy. " Oh ! if he's alive, I 
know he's good." 

The slave-holder now threw himself into the only chair Lucy's 
room afforded. He. had been much interested by the simple rela- 
tion of Harry, as he had walked' along with him, and been attract- 
ed by it to enter the dwelling. He saw it's reality ; every thing 
bespoke the greatest indigence. Susan had placed on the table, or 
rather wash bench, their only table, the heterogeneous fragments 
of the dinner from which he had dined the day before. There was 
no superfluity of table apparatus ; there was but one dish out of 
which all were to eat, and but one knife and fork. Yet they had 
hundreds of dollars hoarded up. 

Harry by this time had placed the little mug of silver before- 
him ; ""but I can't lift mother's box," said he. " Do, mother, help 


ltte ; you can tell how much there is in it." The box too was soon 
at his feet, and they all r.ow surrounded the slave-holder, who ap- 
peared to have lost the power of speech. 

"Feel how heavy the box is," said Harry. 

" Feel how heavy little mug is," said my Ned, and in attempt- 
ing to hand it to him, he scattered all the little shining six, ten, 
and twelve cent pieces, around the slave-holder. Each little piece, 
as it fell, seemed to sound a reproach to his heart. Lacy named 
the sum she had. 

" Oh, master !" said she, falling at his feet, the children all fol- 
lowing her example ; " Oh, master ! wont you be willing to sell 
Ben his freedom. I know there is not enough yet," said she, with 
a desponding look, which suddenly changed to one of proud satis- 
faction, as she added, " for Ben is worth a good price, I know." 

" Is there not almost enough for father's freedom?" said little Sue. 

" Do, please do, let daddy be free," said little Ned. 

The slave-holder was still speechless. Think you he was touch- 
ed by the scene before him 1 

"Has the slave-holder a heart?" some uncharitable abolitionist 
may reply, for, strange paradox, abolitionists are sometimes un- 
charitable. Yes, our slave-holder had a heart, and it was touched, 
deeply touched. His mind had been for some time previous pre- 
paring for such a scene to have its full effect on him. Here in this 
miserable hovel, in a family of slaves, the wife and children of one 
of his own bondmen, was a degree of moral energy and of self-de- 
nial beyond what he had ever dreamed of. To the outward eyes 
all was low, mean, abject ; but he saw the beauty and sublimity of 
the fountain of virtue within, as he had never seen it before. The 

Eroud, the wealthy, the hospitable, the humane planter, as he had 
een called, when he compared himself with these poor slaves, felt 
himself sunk to the very depths of littleness. 

" Is master sick V said Lucy. 

" Yes, good woman," he replied ; " yes, sick, sick of myself, sick 
of slavery, sick of every thing." Poor Lucy, not understanding 
him, looked bewildered. The slave-holder, with great effort, 
calmly added, " Lucy, your husband has been worth more to me 
than all the money you have in that box. I have no right to any 
of it. Keep it for yourselves. Your husband is free from this mo- 
ment. May you all be as happy as you deserve to be." He then 
darted out of the house. 

Lucy continued on her knees, and in silence poured out the 
gratitude of her heart to that Being to whom she had learned to 
look " in trouble and in joy." The children of course could not 
understand all their mother's feelings, but they understood that the 
long-desired blessing had arrived ; they understood that their fa- 
ther was now free, and they had been taught whom to thank for all 

" Mother is thanking God," said little Ned, in a low voice, "be- 
cause father is free." 

" Let us thank him too," said Susan. 


" How shall we say it," said Harry. 

" Our teacher says no matter what words we say ; I'll say it,* 4 
said Susan, and folding her little hands, she said, "thank you, good 
Father in Heaven, for being so good to father, and mother, and 
Harry, and me, and Ned." 

" Thank you, good Father in Heaven," responded both the other 

Their mother turned to them with overflowing eyes, and kissing 
them all, said, " How. happy your father will be to find he has got 
such good children." 

" How soon will father get here ?" said Harry. 

" I cannot tell. I hope soon." 

"And will he eat dinner, and breakfast, and supper, with us?' 
said Ned. 

" I hope so now," said his mother. 

" He never did before," said Susan. 

"No, my dear," said her mother, "fathers cannot be much with 
their children when they are slaves, and belong to different mas- 
ters; but now we are all free." 

" Oh how good," said Susan. " Father, and mother, and child- 
ren, all live together now, and be happy. It will seem like two 
mothers when father gets here." 

" No, indeed," said Harry ; "when father comes, he and I will 
do the hard work that is the man's business, and mother will only 
have to take care of the house and the children, and she shall never 
do so much hard work again." 

" Shan't we have some dinner to-day?" said little Ned. 

" Oh, no matter for dinner," said Harry, dancing about and 
kicking over the wash bench alias table, with all the dinner, which 
safely lodged itself in a tub of suds. " No matter for dinner," said 
he, a little more seriously, as he saw the dinner's fate, but soon be- 
gan singing and capering about, " Daddy's free, daddy's free, 
daddy, daddy, we shall see, Oh how happy we shall be," &c. The 
African race have a great taste for singing and rhyming, as well 
as dancing. 

Little Ned, and even poor little Sue, were soon animated to join 
in the frolic. 

" Come, mother, do dance too, now father's free." 

"No, my children, I cannot dance, but I like to see you." 

The happiness of children shows itself in frolic and gayety, and 
they have little apprehension of that higher degree of happiness so 
nearly allied to pain, and which, like all our strongest feelings, is 
always serious. 

After they had danced and sung till they were tired, the want 
of dinner began to be felt. As Miss Edgeworth says, dinner time 
will come to break in upon the most eventful scenes of life, and 
with a set of poor little children, appetites will come with it 
" What shall we have for dinner T was the general inquiry, with 
a look at the unlucky tub of suds. 

"You may go and buy something for dinner," said their mother 


"Buy dinner !" said little Ned, with a look of astonishment. 

" To be sure," said Harry. " we may buy dinner now. "What 
shall I get, mother V 

" You may get what you please," said their mother. " You shall 
choose your dinner the day of your father's freedom." 

"I'll have some gingerbread," said Harry. 

" I'll have gingerbread too," said Ned. 

" Mother," said Susan, " may Harry buy me an orange, it would 
taste so good 1" 

" Yes. Harry, get a couple of nice oranges for her ;" and she 
looked anxiously at Susan, as she observed her pallid countenance 
and parched lips. " Susan, my dear, I am afraid I have not at- 
tended to you as I ought. You look sick and feverish ; you have 
not had proper food." 

" Oh yes, mother, I have ; I should not have liked to have you 
spend money for me." 

" What will you have for your dinner, mother ?" said Harry. 

" Oh, any thing. You may get me some chocolate." 

Harry soon returned with the various articles for dinner. Lucy 
prepared her bowl of chocolate, a luxury she had not tasted since 
her days of slavery. Harry and Ned feasted on their gingerbread. 
Susan seized the oranges with the eagerness of disease, and could 
I bring her as distinctly before my reader, as I have her in "my 
mind's eye," I think he would say he. had never enjoyed eating an 
orange himself, more than he would in imagination seeing Susan 
devour hers; and he must at the same time bear in mind, that this 
self-denying little creature had never given the least hint of the 
craving she had felt for this cooling, delicious fruit, so grateful to 
the feverish invalid. " It won't be naughty now," said little Ned, 
"to buy oranges sometimes, when good gentleman gives me money." 

But we must leave this interesting group, and look after our 
slave-holder, about whom and his slaves, as he is a large slave 
owner, I feel some little anxiety ; not much, however, for as he per- 
ceived his duty with regard to his carpenter, he will not be long in 
applying the same principles to the others. After quitting the 
house, he walked rapidly up and down several streets for an hour 
or two, then shut himself up in his room for decision and for ac- 
tion. We have said that his mind had been preparing for a fa- 
vorable result from such reflections as now occupied it. Some 
time before, several anti-slavery articles had come into his hands, 
and his eyes began to be opened. It was a slow process, yet he 
never wilfully turned from the truth. "Impossible!" again ex- 
claims some abolitionist; "impossible but what he must have 
known that he had no right to keep his fellow-men in bondage." 
It is nevertheless true, that the subject had never been fairly 
brought before the bar of conscience. We cannot, however, ex- 
tend our charity so far as to believe this to be a common case in 
our enlightened republic, but that there are some such cannot be 
doubted. He had inherited his slaves from his father, who was 
an unenlightened, simple-minded man, of a mild disposition, and 


chiefly devoted to the care of his plantation. The slaves being 
much under his own personal superintendance, were of course 
much better treated, and made more comfortable, than when left 
to the arbitrary control of despotic deputies. 

Our slave-holder was an only son, and had been educated atone 
of the universities of the north, where it is to be regretted that the 
standard of morals with regard to slavery, varied but little from 
that of the south. It is well known, that not many years since 
" the delicate subject" was most carefully avoided in the presence 
of any connected with slavery, and if by any chance it happened 
to be introduced, every thing like an expression of disapprobation 
was avoided with the most punctilious etiquette. Yes, let humani- 
ty blush at its weakness, in allowing a sentiment of etiquette to- 
wards the oppressor to overpower our compassion for the oppress- 
ed. We now perceive that by this course of conduct we have 
extinguished oar own sympathy for our afflicted countrymen in 
bondage, and lulled to sleep the consciences of their oppressors. 
Are we not then accessaries to their crime ? 

While at the north our slave-holder became attached to an amia- 
ble young Jady, whom he afterwards married. We need scarcely 
a stronger proof of the low tone of morals on this subject through- 
out the country, than the frequency of such connexions. Could 
any who viewed slave-holding in its true light, and as Christians 
should view it, be willing thus to connect themselves with, and in 
fact become partakers in such crime ? How many inferior kinds 
of wrong-doing are there, which the delicate female wou l d shrink 
from connecting herself with as from contamination'? How would 
she shudder at the thought of marrying a man even suspected of 
stealing money 1 Yet, "who steals my purse steals trash," com- 
pared to him who robs me of myself, my liberty, my wife, my 
children, my all. 

But, to pursue our story, our slave-holder, after his father's 
death, endeavored to follow his steps as nearly as the difference in 
their education admitted. He had been much troubled at the^ in- 
creasing restrictions upon the instruction of slaves in some of the 
states, and his wife still more so. She had been, much shocked and 
grieved at the increase of the slaves, when she found herself in the 
midst of thern, and fairly understood what slavery was. She and 
her husband had planned Sunday schools and other modes of in- 
struction, in the hope of improving their moral condition. It was 
just at this time, and while their minds were in a state of perplexi- 
ty, that the anti-slavery publications came into their hands. The 
slave-holder was astounded. The violence, the bitterness of much 
of the language, offended him ; yet at the same time it roused him, 
and did not blind him to what was true in it. He determined to 
give the subject a thorough investigation, that, if possible, he might 
ascertain what there was so abhorrent in the system of slavery, 
that could draw forth such language, such unqualified condemna- 
tion, such urgent remonstrance. He was too honest not to perceive 
that the abolitionists were acting from principle, and could only bo 


influenced by benevolent motives, however their zeal might some- 
times betray them into the use of unjustifiable language. The ac- 
counts they gave of injustice and cruelty, were not new to him; he 
knew that the slaves were in many cases treated with great cruelty, 
but it had no more occurred to him, that this was a reason against 
keeping slaves, than it occurred to him, or than it occurs to us, as 
a reason against keeping horses, that truckmen and wagoners 
sometimes abuse their cattle. He now first considered that a sys- 
tem which admitted of inflicting such l/emendous atrocities on hu- 
man beings, must be radically evil and iniquitous. He began tc 
perceive, that although he had been what is called a humane mas 
ter, yet that he had never in fact regarded his slaves exactly as 
fellow-men, as having the same feelings and the same rights as his 
white brethren had, that he had not thought of them as brethren. 
The pleadings, the arguments, the appeals of anti-slavery writers 
in their behalf, found their way to his conscience, and opened his 
heart to their claims to brotherhood. He never stopped from stead- 
fastly and fearlessly seeking the whole truth. But — might there 
not be some delusion ; his good father, could he have committed 
such injustice as this new doctrine taught him it was, — what would 
his fellow-citizens say 1 He had or*ly heard of abolitionists as 
fanatics, fools, and madmen. It was with his mind in this state of 
perplexity and conflict, and with ail the restlessness of an awaken- 
ed conscience trembling to continue in sin, yet fearful of delusion, 
that he contrived some business which would carry him to Cincin- 
nati. Here he knew there were a great many colored people, 
whose situation he wished to look into, that. he might judge what 
would be the condition of such of his slaves as chose to leave him, 
in case he should liberate them. He met, as we have related, with 
Harry, and was led by him to his mother's habitation. The scene 
which passed there was well suited to bring him to decision. It 
showed to him, in the clearest light, the criminality of withholding 
liberty from beings by whom it was so dearly prized, and who 
proved themselves capable of so nobly using it. He could not of 
course suppose that all his slaves, still less the general mass, were 
as well fitted for emancipation as Ben and his family were, and he 
knew that it must be placed to the iniquity of slavery that they were 
not so. 

It would be in vain to attempt to describe all that passed in his 
mind while at Lucy's hovel, and during his waJk to his lodgings. 
It is perhaps a slave-holder only, who has been under similar cir- 
cumstances, that could form a correct idea of it. It cannot be said 
that it was remorse he felt, that worst of mental sufferings, for that 
would imply that he had been sensible of the injustice he was com- 
mitting, and this we have said was not the case ; but he experienced 
that overwhelming, heart-felt regret, which must ever fill a good 
mind at the thought of having committed great injustice and 
wrong, however unconsciously. Connected with this feeling was 
of course the determination to make the best reparation in his 
power. There was no longer any doubt on his mind as to the 


course which it was his duty to pursue. The voice of conscience 
was clear in its decisions, and conscience was " obeyed as God's 
most intimate presence in Ike soul." He was lawyer enough him- 
self to know how to draw up an instrument providing for the im- 
mediate* emancipation of his slaves. He would not sleep till he 
had performed this act of justice, this first step towards reparation ; 
and he went to bed a happier man than he had for many months, 
perhaps more truly happy than he ever had before. 

The next morning our slave-holder, or now, rather, our generous 
emancipator, set out for home. " Not generous," says some cavil- 
ling abolitionist: "he was but barely just." This is true; but it 
has been well remarked by a refined moralist, that in justice there 
is always an element of generosity. Let not the praise of gene- 
rosity be denied to our emancipator, for none but a generous mind 
would be capable of such an act of justice. None other would sp 
discern and acknowledge the rights of others, which neither law 
nor custom required him to regard. Immediately on his return 
home, he made known to all his slaves that they were free. The 
universal rejoicing among them at the intelligence, was far beyond 
what he had expected, and it showed him how entirely mistaken 
he had been in supposing, with many others, that they were in ge- 
neral contented with their lot, because he had never heard fron 
tnem any expression of a desire for liberty. But now, when tht 
restraints were removed which slavery had imposed on such an 
expression, there were as vociferous bursts of genuine eloquence 
from them in praise of liberty, as ever proceeded from the lips of 
the most patriotic statesman in the country. The sight of their 
happiness, with the blissful reflection, that, under Providence, he 
was the author of it, was, to the good planter, a rich reward for 
every sacrifice, whether real or imaginary, which he had made. 
How is it any slave-holder can refrain from an act which brings 
so high a recompense ! Surely this is the slave-holder's appropri- 
ate compensation, and a beautiful one it is. Need he wish for any 
other 1 

The greater part of our emancipated slaves gave the best testi- 
mony to their having had a good master, by choosing to remain on 
the plantation as his hired laborers. A few restless spirits preferred 
to seek their fortune elsewhere, and for these he had endeavored 
to make the best provision in his power. The greater part of 
them, however, soon returned to him. 

Let not our good carpenter, Ben, be forgotten. He was among 
the happiest of the happy, at the news of his freedom, which his 
master himself communicated to him, relating also a great part oi 
the scene which passed at Lucy's hovel. He was impatient to set 
out and join his family, and take a look at the great world. Gladly 
would I convey to the reader some idea of the joy of their meeting, 
but find myself inadequate to the task, and therefore leave it to his 



VOL. I. SEPTEMBER, 1835. [Second Edition.] NO. 9. 


" Why do you narrate the extraordinary cases of cruelty ? These stories will not convert the cruel, and 
'.hey wound the feelings of masters who are not so." < 

REPLY. Cruelty is the fruit of the system. 

In Marion Co., Missouri, a Negro-Trader was, not long ago, making 
tip a drove for the Red River country. He purchased two little boys 
of a planter. They were to be taken away the next day. How did 
the mother of the children feel ! To prevent her interference, she was 
chained in an out-house. In the night she contrived to get loose, took 
an axe, proceeded to the place where her [yes, her] boys slept, and 
severed their heads from their bodies ! She then put an end to her own 

1C~P The negro-trader and planter quarreled, and went to law, 
about the price ! 



The most determined slaveholders claim authority from the Bible in 
support of slavery. It is of great importance therefore for every person 
to understand what the Bible really does teach. Within the limits ot 
the Record we cannot attempt to go into an extended examination of 
the Scriptures on this point, but will give a hint which may be of use 
in such an examination, viz. 

The xohole ground should be gone over. 

Those passages in which it is claimed that slavery was permitted, 
should be read in the light of those that require the breaking of every 
yoke. The Bible certainly condemns fraud, covetousness and oppres- 
sion. It frequently denounces the wrath of God against those nations 
that oppress the poor and the hireling in his wages. It narrates the 
judgments of God actually poured out upon such nations. It advocates 
principles of action, with which holding our fellow-men as property, is 
totally inconsistent. How can the same book which inculcates the 
maxims, "All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, 
do ye even so to them," " Love thy neighbor as thyself," authorize the 
holding of men as goods and chattels — putting them or keeping them 
in a state in which fear is the only motive to action ; in which the 
soul is sure to be neglected, if not murdered ? We believe the candid 
inquirer will be astonished at the mass of thorough-going anti-slavery 
doctrine in the Bible. The question will then occur, did not the servi- 
tude which God permitted to his ancient people differ in some important 
respects from that which now exists under the name of slavery in these 
United States ? Is there a certainty that the Israelites were permitted 
either to buy or retain a bondman without his own consent? or to sell 
him without his own consent ? Might the pious patriarchs, when their 
bondmen absconded, offer large rewards for their recovery ? &c. We 
feel certain, after the most careful attention to the subject, that if any 
countenance can fairly be derived from the Bible for the continuance 
of American slavery, that venerable book is not only inconsistent with 
the plain promptings of humanity, but with itself! Let those, then, who 
justify American slavery with its overseers and auctions, chains and 
whips, its dread of insurrections and its wrath against free discussion, 
settle the matter as they can with the infidel ! We subjoin the follow- 
ing texts of Scripture, which came wrapped around a contribution to 
our funds. We know not the writer, but will venture that he is familiar 
with the word of God. Whether he has quoted correctly, a concordance 
will easily show. 

"Break every yoke, undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed 
go free." 

" God hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all 
the face of the earth." 

"And he that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found*in 
his hand, he shall surely be put to death." 

"Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him." 


" If a man be found stealing any of his brethren, and maketh mer- 
chandise of him, or selleth him, that thief shall die." 

" Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." 

" Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to 
you, do ye even so to them." 

" Wherefore, now, let the fear of the Lord be upon you ; take heed 
and do it : for there is no iniquity with the Lord our God, nor respect 
of persons." 

" So I returned, and considered all the oppressions that are done 
under the sun ; and behold the tears of such as were oppressed, and 
they had no comforter ; and on the side of the oppressors there was 
power ; but they had no comforter." 


Our opponents say, " you abolitionists build your theory on the asser- 
tion, ' that all men are created equal,' which is not according to fact — so 
far from it, that no two men are born equal, and take any number of 
men, the longer they live the greater the inequality among them. Thus 
your foundation being worthless, your superstructure has no stability." 
Not so. The blinder of mistalyng equality of rights, for equality of 
'powers, does not belong to us. We believe that all men are created 
equal as to rights, but unequal as to pov/ers, therefore the manifest 
injustice of reducing a class of men to the dead level of mere machines, 
chaining down the noblest powers to the same sphere with the meanest. 
The principle of equality of rights, which is all that we contend for, is 
the only one which permits the souls of men to expand and take rank 
according to the different capacities which God has bestowed. It is not 
a leveling principle, but a regulating and harmonizing principle. It is 
the principle of a place for every man and every man in his place. But 
slavery is the leveler. Slavery first violates the principle of equality 
of rights, by denying it, nullifying, and utterly trampling down whole 
races of men, and then it violates the inequality of powers by consign- 
ing all to the same condition of brutal subserviency. Powers that might 
wield a sceptre, or unlock the mysteries of creation, it places beside 
those that can never transcend the use of a hoe. Now abolitionists do 
not encourage a man who is only fit to wield the hoe, to throw it down 
and demand the helm of state. All they ask is, that a fair chance 
shall be given to every man, even the poorest scavenger, so to use his 
hoe that he may some day use something better than a hoe. They 
know that labor is the doom of man, it cannot be escaped ; but the fear 
of the lash may be ; hope may be substituted for that degrading motive, 
and the bitter cup may be sweetened. We are told that the slaves are 
better off than the starving poor of Ireland, or of China. What if it 
were so ? Because a day's wages will not buy a meal of potatoes in 
Ireland, does it follow that a man may withhold wages from the laborer 
in America, provided he gives him plenty of potatoes ? Because the 
mother destroys her infant in over-peopled China, may a man here tear 

100 A NEGRO IS A MAN. [4 

an infant from its mother, and give it to the first person he meets ? There 
are other evils than slavery, and other victims of oppression than slaves, 
but it is a strange logic that quotes one sin in justification of another, or 
pleads to retain human beings as goods and chattels, because they arft 
better off as such in America than they would be free in Ireland ! 

[For the Record.] 

If so, then Gsd has placed him in various relations, such as son, 
brother, husband, father, subject (or citizen). 

As a son, he has bound him to honor and obey his father and mother. 

As a brother, he has bound him to love his kindred, and to relieve 
their distresses. 

As a husband, he has bound him to love his wife as his own flesh, and 
to cleave to her more strongly than to any other of the relations in 
which he is placed. " Therefore, what God hath (thus) bound together, 
let not man put asunder." 

As a father, he has bound him to provide for, and educate his offspring. 

And as a subject, he has commanded him to obey the laws of his 

He then that holds a negro in slavery, breaks every one of these 
relations in which God has placed him, or, in other words, compels the 
negro to disobey God in all these relations. 

As a son, he is not allowed to obey the commands of his parents, 
only in so far as these commands are the commands of his master. 

As a brother, he is taught to treat his brother as one brute treats 

As a husband, he is taught to take a wife as brutes do, come together 
for a time, and then separate again ; or, in other words, his relation to 
his wife depends upon the will of his master, and not upon the ordi- 
nance of God; 

Who then, that have put asunder men and their wives, that have 
broken all the ties of parents to their children, and children to their 
parents, and that have changed all the relations in which God has 
placed man, dare to venture into his presence, without first having 
broken off their sins by righteousness, (restoring their slaves to the 
relations in which God placed them,) and obtained forgiveness for their 
trespasses against his laws ? 

Surely men are blind who think that God is not jealous of his laws, 
and that he will wink at the violation of all those relations in which he 
has placed his creature, man. If in former ages God condemned men 
and gave them over to work out their own destruction, for changing the 
use of things which he had made, where is the ground of hope that he 
will now permit men to change all the relations and uses of his creature, 
man? — as has been the case with all those who have black skins in 

If then a negro be a man, it would be well for all such as hold slaves, 


to examine the relations in which God has placed man, and ascertain 
whether they have not wrested the laws of God to their own destruction, 
Perhaps God may not wait as long with them who trample upon his 
laws now, as he did before the flood. "Vengeance is mine, saith the 
Lord, and I will repay." O that this nation may become wise, and 
repent of their sins, and set all the captives free, that there may be 
rejoicing in the land. Jubilee. 


July 20, 1835. 
Brother Wright, 

It was with not a little pleasure and surprise I received the com* 
mission as Agent for your excellent institution. The principles of your 
Society, I have believed and maintained for years. They are incor- 
porated in the Gospel of the Son of God. They are also incorporated 
in the principles of our most excellent government. The instructions 
you give to your agents are truly wise and evangelical. Your institu- 
tion should be, and I trust it is, truly evangelical. Those who engage 
in so great and arduous a Work should have the wisdom, meekness, 
and ardor of the Apostles. Slavery must, and will come down, and 
be abolished from our land. The Almighty has kindled a fire on that 
subject, that all the waters of the ocean cannot extinguish. In perfect 
agreement with the spirit and system of slavery are those infidel laws 
enacted in the South, prohibiting the slaves to be taught to read the 
Bible. Is not this war direct against Heaven ? Have we not great 
reason to fear that God will plead in judgments, yea in heavy vengeance 
for these things ? If the church of Christ were freed from this sin 
of sins, I should .feel very different from what I do. Slave-holding 
ministers, slave-holding officers, and private members ! — What a great 
and fearful departure from the example and precepts of our Divine 
Lord and Master ! How dark the light of the church on this subject ! 
In the name and strength of the Lord God, who is the friend, yea, 
the avenger of the oppressed, let us go forward in this great and noble 
enterprise. Violent will be the efforts of the enemy to counteract and 
defeat our object. Could I see you face to face, Icould say much on this 
subject. I thank God, that the friends of the poor slave have begun to 
organize themselves for work. I am engaged in the matter in the church 
where I am now living. Some sales have taken place in the church. 
Their cause is now pending before the Session. My Session is straight 
and firm on the subject. God, in his good providence, has placed me 
over two churches. And such is my present relation and engagements 
to them, that I could not at this time engage in an agency under the 
direction of your Board, or any other. How long this may last, I know 
not. We cannot tell what will be on the morrow. I can but express 
thanks for the confidence reposed, the honor conferred on one so un- 
worthy. If you could obtain a well-qualified agent, who is not a minister, 
it would promise more good in this State. The Devil hates devoted, 



faithful ministers. But I know no one that I could recommend to your 
Board. What the Lord may direct me for the future, I know not. — His 
will be done. May the God of Jacob guide, defend, sustain, and bless 
your efforts on behalf of the oppressed. 

Yours in the Lord. 

The writer of the above is a native of the state in which he resides, 
and of course well knows the nature of that horrid system against 
which he speaks. The South is not all a desert, there are some green 
spots. For such instances of Christian heroism we desire to thank 
God, while we " take courage." — Ed. Rec 

[For the Anti-Slavery Record.] 

Dear Sir : I enclose a translation, made by a young lady, from a 
French periodical lately received from Paris, entitled LPArai De La 
Jeunesse. I do not recollect having seen the facts stated in any of the 
publications of this country, although similar atrocities, as we well know, 
are not of unfrequent occurrence. I am sure they will much interest 
your readers. Yours, &c. S. A. 

[From the Youth's Friend, May, 1835 ; Volume 1, Second Series, No. 5.] 

During my sojourn in the capital of Virginia, (United States,) I was 
a witness, for the first time in my life, of a scene as degrading to human 
nature, as productive of horror and disgust to the friends of humanity ; 
the following advertisement having been inserted for several days suc- 
cessively in the newspapers : 

" Monday next, at 9 A. M. at public sale, the slaves whose names 
follow, all negroes of the first quality, namely : — Betsy, a negro woman, 
twenty- three years of age, with her child Ca?sar three years old ; an 
excellent cook, washer and ironer ; warranted healthy. Julia, a mulatto 
girl, aged thirteen, robust and active, a good field laborer; with the 
exception of a slight defect in the left eye, she is without fault. Augus- 
tus, a negro lad, six years of age, qualified to become an excellent do- 
mestic ; without defect. The aforesaid slaves will be sold without re- 
serve to the highest bidder, and the purchaser will be able to obtain 
credit for two or even four months, upon good security." 

I was anxious to be present at such a strange commercial transaction, 
and I was there punctually. In the midst of various articles exposed 
for sale, such as pots, pans, beds, chairs, books, &c. &c., were seated 
tlv unhappy slaves, all crowded together, and all, as one would imagine, 
appropriately clothed. The poor mother, with her child in her arms, 
was the first object that drew my attention. The auctioneer had placed 
her in such a manner, that she and her infant should be the first object 


seen by those who entered the market. The customers, as they entered, 
cast their eyes upon the group so worthy of pity, to satisfy their curiosity, 
and examined them as if they were gazing at some chef d' ceuvre pro- 
duced by the chisel of Canova. I could not help shuddering with in- 
dignation, in considering the indifference and gross rudeness with which 
these insensible men treat their staves. Betsy was the only one who 
appeared to feel all the rigors of her situation ; her eyes remained con- 
stantly fixed upon her infant, and if she raised them for a moment, it 
was to obey the order of a purchaser, who wished, probably, to assure 
himself that they were strong enough to support labor by day and by 
night ; but she had scarcely yielded to his injunction, ere they fell again 
upon the miserable infant which reposed on her bosom; she even replied 
to all their questions without raising her eyes to the person by whom 
she was addressed. 

It was not the same, however, with the other slaves ; they smiled at 
every jest, and their large white eyes, like brilliants fastened to their 
foreheads, sparkled with joy at the gay conversation and at the witty 
remarks of the gentlemen who had come hither with the inten- 
tion of purchasing human beings at a fair price. But the moment of 
the sale was approaching, and several persons were assembled in the 
hall : the crier invited them to come out, and upon a table placed before 
the door in the middle of the street, was exposed one of the slaves who 
were for sale. 

Betsy and her child had the honor of figuring first. The crier stood 
upon a chair placed near. I discovered in the crowd a dozen ' negroes 
at least, who, passing at the time, were drawn by curiosity to approach, 
and appeared to follow with attention the progress of the sale ; I could 
not forbear sympathizing with the unhappy beings, in reading upon 
their countenances the interest with which their companions in misery 
inspired them. "Let us proceed, gentlemen," cried the seller of human 
flesh in a stentorian voice ; — " let us proceed, a woman for sale !" 

" An excellent woman ; not a fault ! and a little boy in the bargain. 
How much for the mother and child^250 dollars ; very well, sir, $250 
to begin. Some one has bid $250. Truly, gentlemen, they sell cattle 
for a larger price ; $250 ; look at these eyes, examine these limbs— 
shall I say $260 ? Thanks, gentlemen, some one has bid $260. It 
seems to me that I heard $275 ; — go on, gentlemen ; I have never sold 
such a bargain. How ! $280 dollars for the best cook, the best washer 
and the best dressmaker in Virginia? Must I sell her for the miserable 
price of $280?— $300; two gentlemen have said 300. Very well, 
gentlemen ; I am happy to see you begin to warm a little ; some one 
bid 310—310, going— 330— 335— 340— 340, going— upon my honor, 
gentlemen, it is indeed a sacrifice to lose so good a cook ; a great bargain 
for $340. Reflect upon it a little^ and do not forget there is a little boy 
in the bargain." 

Here our auctioneer was interrupted in his harangue by one of his 
customers, a man whose appearance had inspired me, from the first 
moment, with a feeling of horror, and who, with the indifference and 
sang froid of an assassin, made to him the following observation : "As 
for the negro child, it is good for nothing ; it is not worth a day's nour- 


ishment, and if I have the mother, I will give away the child very quick ; 
the first bidder will be able to have it at a cheap bargain." 

I glanced at the unfortunate mother, anxious to see what effect this 
barbarous proposal would have upon her. She did not speak, but a 
profound sadness was impressed on her countenance. The little inno- 
cent which she held in her arms, fixed his large eyes upon her,, as 
if saying, "mama, why do you weep?" Then he turned toward the 
witnesses of this heart-rending scene, with an expression that seemed 
to ask, what they had done to his mother to make her weep so bitterly. 
No, never will this moment escape my memory ; it has confirmed me 
for all my life in the horror that I already felt at this infamous traffic 
The auction continued, and finally the crier, striking a heavy blow with 

a hammer, pronounced the award ; to Mr, for $360. The victim 

descended from the table and was led away by the purchaser. The 
other slaves were sold in the same manner as poor Betsy. Julia 
was sold at $326, and Augustus at $105. They both fell to the same 
individual who had purchased the former lot. I had judged from his 
appearance that he might be some young farmer, and they assured me 
that such was the fact. I had at least one satisfaction, that of thinking 
they had not fallen into the hands of a slave merchant by profession. 
In his eyes, it is true, might be seen the contentment of one who thinks 
he has made a good bargain, but he treated with mildness these unfor- 
tunate beings who had become his property ; he did not speak to them 
in a severe humiliating tone, so common to those who frequent these 
frightful markets. — Travels of Jlrfvredson. 

It was in the United States that the scene took place of which we 
have just copied an account ; in the same United States whose generous 
efforts for the diffusion of the word of God and for the establishment 
of missions among the pagans, we have so justly commended in this 
publication. When then shall the Christians of this country put an 
end to this horrible traffic ? When shall they wipe out the stain which 
is impressed on the national character ? 

White Lady, happy, proud and free, 
Lend awhile thine ear to me ; 
Let the Negro Mother's wail 
Turn thy pale cheek still more pale. 
Can the Negro Mother joy 
Oyer this her captive boy, 
Which in bondage and in tears, 
For a life of wo she rears ? 
Though she bears a Mother's name, 
A Mother's rights she may not claim 
For the white man's will can part, 
Her darling from her bursting heart. 



We seldom notice the daily threats that we receive from slaveholders. 
Gould they be spread out before the community, we think they would 
go far to prove to the unprejudiced, if it is possible for such to need 
proof, that slavery is tyranny, and slaveholders tyrants. Tyrants are 
not all alike, to be sure ; some have many good qualities — Nero was 
sometimes, and to some persons, very kind — but the bulk of them are 
cruel. Their " tender mercies are crueV 

Observe — the note beneath is from the District of Columbia! 

" Georgetown, D. C, August 6th, 1835. 
"R. G.Williams, 

Publisher of the Emancipator. 

" Sir, — The Emancipator is returned herewith, being unwilling to cir- 
culate, or have about my premises, a sheet which bears every mark of 
treason, and whose conductors await, it is to be hoped, an ignominious 

" If your cause is a good one, why circulate your paper in the dark ? 
You are certainly not ashamed to be found doing a righteous act? then 
why does not the person who distributes the Emancipator, call in the 
open day with his paper? Is he afraid of Judge Lynch? No ! Your 
deeds are evil ; therefore, you prefer darkness rather than light. 

" I should like to see some of your worthy coadjutors in this part of 
the country, with your dirty sheet for distribution, as there are several 
rope-factories here almost out of work, and they could not be better 
employed than making ropes to hang such authors. Or, if you have 
any spare Steam Doctors, you might send us a few, just to keep them in 
practice, as it appears they ' don't take' in Mississippi." 

This note, be it remembered, comes from the place where Dr. Cran- 
dall has been arrested for having in his possession < opies of the Eman- 
cipator, &c. ; and where, but for the wal !s of his prison, he probably 
would be hanged, without judge or jury ! See here he motives of slave- 
holders and colonizationists in urging us to go to t e South. "If your 
cause is good," say they, " why do you not publish it at the South ?" 
And before we have time to reply, they tell us, " why, if you should 
preach such doctrine at the South, you would be hung in a moment." 
Therefore, is their sage conclusion, your doctrines cannot be true! 


The following conversation between two planters, one from North 
Carolina, and the other from Mississippi, recently occurred on board 
one of our splendid North River Steamboats. It was given to us in 
writing, by a respectable citizen of Poughkeepsie, who heard it. 

Mississippian. What is a young negro boy worth in North Ca rolina ? 

Carolinian. They fetch a great price there. 


M, Are slaves scarce there at present ? 

C. They are scarce and high. Those that have slaves are out of 
debt, and of course able to hold them, or get their price. 

M. What is a negro man worth ? 

C. I purchased one a short time since for $750. 

M. And what are women with children worth ? 

C. They are much higher in proportion to other slaves. 

M. Well, what would a good likely negro boy bring ? 

C. Under fifty [pounds] they fetch NINE DOLLARS PER 
POUND, that is the common price ! 

And how much worse would it be, first to slay and then hang up the 
flesh in the shambles to sell ? In the name of humanity and heaven, 
kt us not utter a syllable about the cannibals of duallah Battoo ! 
What ! sellers of living human flesh BY THE POUND, complain- 
ing that their Missionaries are murdered and eaten ! — Better keep 
them at home then. Ed. Rec 

[For the Anti-Slavery Record.] 

Mr. Editor, — The eighteen Southerners who called the meeting in 
Tammany Hall, either mistook the feeling of their countrymen, or else 
the times are changed with us. They came forward with a proposa* 
of 'frank and dispassionate discussion!' A hypocritical proposal, th« 
event proved it; but mark the substitution of hypocrisy for menace. 
Two years ago they called upon the people of New- York, openly, in 
the public prints, to put down Tappan and Garrison, and themselves 
headed a mob of five thousand persons to execute their purpose. Now 
they talk about dit cussion ! — Discussion — the deadliest foe to slavery, 
as the whole south ^rn press testifies. Permit me to transcribe a para- 
graph from the Col imbia (S. C.) Telescope, which appeared about two 
years since, as a sa nple. 

■ Let us declare, through the public journals of our country, that 
the question of slavery is not, and shall not be open to discussion : — 
that the system is deep-rooted amongst us, and must remain for ever ; — 
that the very moment any private individual attempts to lecture us upon 
its evils and immorality, and the necessity of putting means in opera- 
tion to secure us from them : — in the same moment his tongue shall be 
out out and cast upon the dunghill. We are freemen, sprung from a noble 
stock of freemen, able to boast as noble a line of ancestry as ever graced 
this earth. We have burning in our bosoms the spirit of freemen, — 
live in a country blessed with its privileges, — under a government that 
has pledged itself to protect us in the enjoyment of our peculiar domestic 
institutions, in peace and undisturbed, &c. &c." Here is the honest 
expression of that feeling which noio cloaks itself under the offer of 
"frank and dispassionate discussion." R. 

P. S. Since the above was written, the same sentiments have been 

11] THE AFRIC's DREAM. 107 

expressed by an immense meeting of citizens in Charleston. Suppose 
all the Neros and Caligulas of the world, past and present, were col- 
lected into a " sovereign state," could they talk or act more tyrannically ? 
The question is, whether such tyranny shall be continued, or given up ? 


The citizens of Norfolk, Va., have shown a blindness, more mar- 
vellous than it is uncommon, in their late proclamation against those 
whom they are pleased to call "the cold-blooded hypocrites of the 
Anti-Slavery school." They complain of being " denounced as tyrants 
and oppressors, — as Man-robbers and pirates." And in the next breath, 
they say, " When asked by what right we retain this class of our popu- 
lation in bondage, we shall, like the chivalry of Scotland, on a similar 
occasion, point to our swords. We shall scorn to render any other re- 
ply." Well, who is a tyrant, if not the master whose right lies in his 
sword ?t— who scorns to give any other account of the matter ? We 
made the charge ; the citizens of Norfolk have brought the proof Are 
we to be told that these men who * make weight' in the scales of justice 
by throwing in their ' SWORDS,' have always been just and kind to 
their slaves, and true to their country, and would continue to be so, but 
for our interference ? Are honest men exasperated by the barking of 
the house-dog ? If a man be falsely accused of cruelty to his horse, does 
he thereupon, out of spite, fall to beating the animal ? 

[From the Atlantic Souvenir. — 1832.] 


Why did ye wake me from my sleep ? it was a dream of bliss ! 
And ye have torn me from that land to pine again in this. 
Methought, beneath yon whispering tree, that I was laid to rest, 
The turf, with all its wither'd flowers, upon my cold heart press'd. 

My chains, these hateful chains, were gone — oh, w r ould that I might die, 
So from my swelling pulse I could for ever cast them by ! 
And on, away o'er land and sea, my joyful spirit pass'd, 
Till near my own banana- tree, I lighted down at last. 

My cabin door, with all its flowers, was still profusely gay, 

As when I Tightly sported there, in childhood's careless day ; 

But trees, that then were sapling twigs, with broad and shadowing bough 

Around the well-known threshold spread a freshening coolness now. 




The birds, whose notes I used to hear, were shouting on the earth, 
As if to greet me back ajjainwith their wild songs of mirth j 
My own bright stream was at my feet, and how I laugh' d to lave 
My burning lip, and cheek, and brow, in that delicious wave ! 

My boy, my first-born babe, had died amid his early hours, 
And there we laid him to his sleep among the clustering flow'rs ; 
Yet lo ! without my cottage door he sported in his glee, 
With her whose grave is far from his, beneath yon linden tree. 

I sprang to snatch them to my soul, when, breathing out my name, 
To grasp my hand, and press my lip, a crowd of loved ones came ! 
Wife, parents, children, kinsmen, friends ! the dear and lost ones all, 
With blessed words of welcome, came to greet me from my thrall. 

Forms, long unseen, were by my side ; and, thrilling on my ear, 
Came cadences, from gentle tones, unheard for many a year ; 
And on my cheek fond lips were press'd with true affection's kiss — 
And so ye waked me from my tears — but 'twas a dream of bliss! 


Donations received by the Treasurer I 
to August 7. 

New- York, D., 64 89 

" A. Tappan, 250 00 

" J.Rankin, 100 00- 

Hallo\vell,Me., A. S. Society, per 

E. Dole, 200 00 

Braddock's Field,Pa., Mary Olver, 

per J. Shaw, 5 00 

Westmoreland A. S. Society, per 

Rev.E.Fairchild, 20 00 

Peterborough A. S. Society, per 

C. Grant, 14 00 

A Friend in Canada, by J.Talbot, 20 00 

Great Barrington and Sheffield, 

Mass., A few Friends, 9 00 

New-York, William Lillie, 1 00 

North Fairfield, O., Samuel Pen- 
field, 6 00 

Austinburgh, O., Monthly Concert, 

by L. Bissell, 3 47 

Ashtabula co. A. S. Society, on ac- 
count of pledge, 3 83 

Cleveland, O., Monthly concert, 

by S. L. Severance, 2 00 

New- York Sabbath School No. 

40, 4 74 

Bridgeport, Conn., W. R. Bun- 
nell, 5 00 


(08 93 

ohn Rankin, Treasurer. 

Monthly Collections received by Pub- 
lishing Agent from July 12 to August 
1, 1835. 
Austinburgh, O., Rev.H. Cowles, 3 00 
Cleveland, O., J. M. Sterling, 6 00 

" " S. L. Severance. 3 00 

" " S.I.Hamlin, 75 

" " A. Penfield, 75 

Carlisle, Pa., E. Mackey, 1 50 

Dover, N. H., by W. II. Alden, 10 60 
Darien- Conn., by W. Whitney, 1 38 
Farmington, N.Y., by W. R. Smith, 6 00 
Geneva, O., Z. Denison, 6 00 

Huntsburg, O., by J. W. Bracket, 6 00 
Hudson, N. Y., Miss M. Marriott, 3 23 
Hudson, O., by F. W. Upson, 5 00 

New-Brunswick, N. J. by J. Lillie, 1 00 
New-York, II. Owen, 12 

" Dr. Doolitlle, 25 

Perry, N. Y., by J. Andrews, 6 00 

Stilwater. N. Y., E. Sherman, 1 00 

Ulica, " O. N. Worden, 1 06 

Waterviile, Me., by C. S. Busnell, 3 00 
Books and Pamphlets sold at of- 
fice, 253 50 
Received for Emancipator, 50 50 
" " Human Rights, 76 50 
Quarterly Magazine, 17 29 

462 83 
R. G. Williams, 
Publishing: Apent A. A. S. S 
144 Nassau St. 



VOL. I. OCTOBER, 1835. [Second Edition.] NO. 10. 


M What ! — the whip on Woman's shrinking flesh !" 

Some of our readers may think the flogging of females a very rare 
and extraordinary occurrence. It is nevertheless very common. The 
cut above is no exaggerated representation of an everdyay scene in the 
past history of the West Indies. In 1824, Great Britain endeavored to 
ameliorate Slavery in its colonies, and among other things to abolish 
the flogging of females. After a series of shameful evasions, the legis- 
lature of Jamaica, in Dec. 1827, held the following language. " The 
whip is not forbidden in the field, lest the abandonment, too suddenly, of 
a long-established usage, should be misunderstood by the slaves. * * * 
Until negro women have acquired more of the sense of shame, which 
distinguishes European females, it will be impossible with respect to 
them, to lay aside altogether punishment by flogging, there being no 
substitute that promises to be accompanied with the same salutary 
dread." That similar scenes are witnessed daily in these United States, 
though perhaps not in mercy's sight, take the testimony of Rev. David 
Nelson, a man who has been a Slaveholder, and has spent his whole 
life among Slaveholders, and whose veracity few will dare to impeach. 
He says to Christian slaveholders, "You help to put it out of .the power 


of half a million of children to obey God here. That child is not reared 
by her parents. This one sees them whipped — hears them called 
strumpet, harlot, thief, scoundrel, and every name that denotes infamy." 
Could he say this, if the whipping of mothers were not a common 
practice ? How long shall this barbarous cruelty disgrace Christian 
America ! 


At the Meeting of the Western Reserve (Ohio) Anti-Slavery Society. 

[From the Ohio Observer.] 

Mr. T. D. Weld, upon seconding the resolution, remarked, that the 
brother who had just taken his seat, was not under an illusion when he 
said he saw a cloud gathering over the South. There was a cloud 
gathering there. He saw it, and any body, with open eyes, might see 
it. Behold, said he, its dark and threatening aspect, and hear its 
thunder. And was there any thing which would cause it to break 
away from the face of the sky? Nothing! yes, there was one thing, and 
but one, which like a magic wand, would conduct its thunders harm- 
lessly aside, and that was immediate emancipation. 

For fifty years, England tried to abolish Slavery in some other way, 
but all without effect. Then she began to act upon the principle of 
immediate emancipation, and the Bermudas showed the result. In six 
weeks the work was accomplished. While the experiment was making, 
the cry was, that the land would run blood, but the six weeks passed 
away, and no blood was flowing. 

His brother had spoken of the longings of the slave for liberty. He 
had spent a month in his father's family, when that brother was at 
home, and he would bear his testimony, that, after travelling much in 
the Slave States, nowhere had he seen slaves receive kinder treatment 
than in the family of the Rev. Doct. Allen, of Huntsville. And if such 
were the longings of the slaves where they were so kindly treated, such 
their Quenchless desires after liberty, such their throes of agony under 
the privation of it, such the thick night of despair which settled down 
upon them, surrounded as they were by so many mitigating circum- 
stances, what must be the wretchedness of the tens of thousands, to 
whom no tender mercies were meted out ! Their drivers were almost 
uniformly a most degraded class of men. William Wirt, in his life of 
Patrick Henry, had denominated them "the last and lowest of the 
human race." Such was the character of the men in whose power 
were three-fourths of all the slaves in the United States. Who that 
would make their case his own, rather than suffer what they suffered, 
would not pray God to close his eyes in death ? 

Here Mr. W. said he would stop, as the audience had already been 
detained to a late hour, but a wish was expressed from various parts of 
the house that he would go on. And taking a little book from his 
pocket, he said he would read to them the longings of a slave after 
liberty, written down bv himself, or rather dictated (for he could not 

3] MR. weld's address. Ill 

write) and written down by another. He was the property of Mr. 
James Horton, of Chatham Co., North Carolina. And it should be 
observed that he said nothing of positive inflictions as the cause of his 
wretchedness, nothing but that he was treated with the utmost kindness. 

" Come, melting pity, from afar, 
And break this vast enormous bar 
Between a wretch and thee ; 
Purchase a few short days of time, 
And bid a vassal soar sublime, 
On wings of Liberty. 
* * * * 

Alas ! and am I born for this, 
To wear this slavish chain ? 
Deprived of all created bliss, 
Thro' hardships, toil and pain. 
How long have I in bondage lain, 
And languished to be free ! 
Alas ! and must I still complain — 
Deprived of Liberty ? 
Oh Heaven ! and is there no relief 
This side the silent grave — 
Vo soothe the pain — to quell the grief 
And anguish of a slave? 
Come Liberty, thou cheerful sound, 
Roll thro' my ravished ears ! 
Come, let my grief in joys be drowned, 
And drive away my fears. 
Say to the foul oppression, cease, 
Ye tyrants rage no more, 
And let the joyful trump of peace, 
Now bid the vassal soar. 
Am I sadly cast aside, 
On misfortune's rugged tide ? 
Will the world my pains deride, 

For ever? 
Must I dwell in slavery's night, 
And all pleasure take its flight, 
Far beyond my feeble sight, 

For ever ? 
Worst of aH must hope grow dim, 
And withhold her cheering beam? 
Rather let me sleep and dream, 

For ever ? 
Something still my heart surveys, 
Groping thro' this dreary maze ; 
Is it hope? then burn and blaze, 

For ever 1 

112 MR. weld's address. \i 

Leave me not a wretch confined, 
Altogether lame and blind — 
Unto gross despair consigned, 

For ever ! 
Heaven, in whom I can confide, 
Canst thou not for all provide ? 
Condescend to be my guide, 

For ever. 
And when this transient life shall end, 
Oh, may some kind eternal friend 
Bid me from servitude ascend, 

For ever!" 

This was a slave, sir, said he, with thrilling emphasis. 

He here introduced an anecdote, which exhibited in a striking light, 
the value which the slave sets upon the liberty of which he is deprived. 
A vessel havf j on board the wives and children, and some other con- 
nections of tb.ity 01 forty planters, was wrecked between St. Kitts and 
Nevis. The husbands and fathers gathered upon the shore, and saw 
the vessel driving before the storm, at the mercy of the waves, until, by 
and by, it struck upon a rock. The next moment they expected it to 
go to pieces, and to so the waves close upon the dear objects of their 
solicitude. Tl>^: got ooats in readiness to go to their relief, but not a 
soul of them hac 1 lb« fortitude to volunteer to man them. Shrinking 
b ick themselves j&; 5*-Led upon the slaves toman the boats, but they 
refused. They to £E applied the lash, and the poor creatures lay down 
and groaned, ivd * dd have suffered themselves to be cut with whips 
until they had grvvt tp the ghost, before they would have obeyed. At 
last one of the planters mounted a stump, and swinging his hat, cried 
out, " Liberty ! Liberty /" At the sound of that word, every slave started. 
He then proclaimed liberty for life to every slave who would man the 
boats. It was no sooner said than done. Three boats were manned 
at once. One of them had scarcely gotten from the shore, when it was 
met by a terrible wave, and dashed upon a rock, and all on board 
perished. Another, a little further out, was engulfed in the waves, 
and every soul was lost. The third one was hard by its side when it 
went down, and yet the brave fellows who manned it, with counte- 
nances fixed, steered straight for the vessel, bowing upon their oars, as 
though nothing had happened to their comrades. 

It was affecting to think how dear liberty was to these slaves, and 
what hazards they were willing to run to obtain it, "hoping even 
against hope !" When called upon to encounter the awful peril, they 
were perfectly dead to every other motive — neither flattery, threatening, 
bribes, nor the lash moved them. But the sound of that word, Liberty, 
struck a cord, which vibrated to the very centre of their souls, and 
wrought them up to desperation in a moment. 

Mr. Weld concluded with a most eloquent and thrilling appeal to 
ministers of the gospel, to bring their combined and powerful moral 
influence to the aid of this cause. Sacrifices they might indeed be 
called upon to make, but what was that religion good for which shrunk 


from sacrifices. To be ready to make sacrifices when duty required, 
constituted an essential part of religion itself. It was here that the 
power of goodness was unrolled, and its unearthly origin demonstrated. 


The following facts are from an intelligent young gentleman, xoho has 
recently spent ten months in one ofihe northern counties of Kentucky, 


As a general remark, the Sabbath-day is a holiday to the slave. On 
that day he has only to attend to the stock, and sometimes cut fire- 
wood ; the rest of the day is his own. Nearly all of the adult slaves 
have a small patch of ground, which they usually plant in tobacco ; 
many of them, I may say most of them, cultivate their patches on the 
Sabbath-day. It occupies them from two to six hours ; the rest of the 
day is spent in lounging or sleeping. Of the nature of conversion, they 
know nothing. They regard it as a dream, or vision, or song, or some 
mutilated text of Scripture suggested to their minds in a highly excited 
state. The most intelligent Cnristian I saw, told me of various visions 
and dreams that she had had, and songs that she had heard, in which 
the Savior had spoken peace to her soul. This ignorance might be 
expected, from the narrowness of the privileges they enjoy. I never 
heard of the slaves having been preached to but three times during my 
stay in K., and they were preached to by a slaveholding minister. At 
the first meeting there were between thirty-five and forty present, at the 
second, seven, at the third, ten or twelve. Besides this, in all the 
meetings I have attended, I have not seen twenty slaves. 

At family worship in the house of the minister, the adult slaves are 
sometimes present. In the house of the Elder, or the other members in 
whose houses I lived, never. 

Two or three little slave children come in at bell-ringing, and they 
S!e generally asleep before the sendees are half performed. 

I have never known a single instance of the master's reading the 
Bible to his slaves, or instructing them in religion, and I have not found 
a single slave that can read the simplest sentences. 

In conversation with Judge , an Elder in the Presbyterian 

church, he remarked " as to religious instruction, they have as much as 
the poor have any where : they have no restraints about sects, they 
can join which they please. As to reading, and improvement of mind, 
why those who do read seldom read the Scriptures ; and men who 
have improved minds often misuse them; they do not glorify God with 
them." He granted the horrors of slavery, but remarked, "you know a 
man that has a well assured hope of eternal life, never cares for the 
miseries of this life, however severe they may be, for he knows that the 
Scriptures say these light afflictions for a moment, work out a far more 
exceeding and eternal weight of glorv." Whilst, reading this, do not 
forget that in Kentucky, slavery wears its .mildest garb. 



The Minister and all the church members held slaves. Some were 
treated kindly, others harshly. There was not a shade of difference 
between their slaves, and those of their infidel neighbors, either in their 
physical, intellectual or moral state ; in some cases they would suffer in 
the comparison. 

In the kitchen of the minister, a slave man was living in open adul- 
tery with a slave woman, who was a member of the church, with an 
" assured hope" of heaven, whilst the man's wife was on the minister's 
farm in Fayette County. The minister had to bring a cook down from 
his farm to the place" in which he was preaching. The choice was 
between the wife of the man and this church member. He left the wife 
and brought the church member to the adulterer's bed. 

A professor of religion had a slave girl who ran away ; he caught her 
again. He told me that he was incensed, threw a rope over a beam in 
the kitchen, tied her by her wrists and hoisted her up, stripped her, and 
with his own hand whipped her until the blood flowed freely from her 

A methodist preacher last fall took a load of produce down the river: 
amongst other things he took down five slaves. He sold them at New- 
Orleans. He came up to Natchcs, bought seven there and took th?m 
down and sold them also. Last March he came up to preach the gospel 
again. A number of persons on board the steam-boat (the Tuscarora) 
who had seen him in the slave shambles in Natches and New-Orleans, 
and now for the first time, found him to be a preacher, had much sport 
at the expense of the " fine old preacher who dealt in slaves." 

A non-professor of religion in Campbell Co., Ky., sold a female slave 
and two children to a methodist professor, with the proviso that they 
should not leave that region of country. The slave-drivers came, offered 
$50 more for the woman than he had given, and he sold her. She is 
now in the lower country, and her orphan babes are in Kentucky. 

I w r as much shocked once, to see a Presbyterian Elder's wife call a 
little slave to her to kiss her feet. At first the boy hesitated, but the 
command being repeated in tones not to be misunderstood, he ap- 
proached timidly, knelt and kissed her foot. 

On a Sabbath-day, as I was riding to meeting last winter, a great 
noise was neard in a deserted log-house. Stamping, hallooing, and 
snouting. Now and then a scream rose above the noise. I stopped in 
front of the house, fifty or sixty feet from it. Soon, out came six or eight 
white boys, twelve or fourteen years old : one was cracking a slave-dri- 
ver's whip. With them were two or three young slaves who were 
crying. 1 enquired the meaning of the scene, of a slaveholder by my 
side ; he replied, they have been tying up those slaves and whipping 
them. The boys again returned to the house, and again the noise and 
screams were heard. A Presbyterian slaveholder turned to me and 
said, "that i3 the w T ay we bring slaves into subjection — we let the 
children beat them." 



The Rev. Dr. Dalcho, of South Carolina, thus comments on the Epistle 
to Philemon : — " Onesimus was a heathen ; but the Apostle converted 
him to the Christian faith. Now, what was the consequence of this 
conversion ? Did St. Paul tell him that Christianity made him free 
from his temporal servitude? No. Did he tell him that slavery was 
contrary to the law of God ; and, therefore, that the laws of man could 
not make it legal ? No. He sent him back to his master, whom he 
entreated to forgive him, and to receive him again into favor, not only 
as a servant, but as a brother in the Lord." Mark the only, and compare 
this gloss with the text. " Not now a servant, but above a servant, a 
brother beloved, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both 
in the flesh and in the Lord." The pro-slavery commentator continues : 
" All the sophistry in the world cannot get rid of this decisive example. 
Christianity robs no man of his rights, [then how could it send Onesimus 
back, as a slave, to Philemon?] and Onesimus was the property of his 
master, under the laws of his country, which must be obeyed, if not 
contrary to the laws of God." But the question is, not whether Ones- 
imus was property " by the laws of his country," but whether he was 
so by the laws of God — not, whether it was his duty to return, but 
whether it was Philemon's right to compel him to return. Suppose 
Onesimus, after his return, had preferred some other business than the 
service of Philemon, whether he had any right to such preference or not, 
would it have been right for Philemon to confine him to his service, by 
the whip or the stocks ? Would this have been treating him as a 
" brother," " both in the flesh and in the Lord ?" Yet as much as this 
we may suppose, if Philemon had a right of property. 



The Rev. Dr. Dalcho, above mentioned, in his " Practical considera- 
tions, founded on the Scriptures, relative to the slave population of South 
Carolina,' 1 '' says, "The celebration of the Fourth of July belongs exclu- 
sively to the white population of the United States. The American 
Revolution was a family quarrel among equals. In this, the Negroes 
had no concern ; their condition remained, and must remain, unchanged. 
They have no more to do with the celebration of that day, than with the 
landing of the Pilgrims on the rock at Plymouth. It therefore appears 
to me, to be improper to allow these people to be present on these occa- 
sions. In our speeches and orations, much, and sometimes more than 
is politically necessary, is said about personal liberty, which negro au- 
ditors know not how to apply, except by running the parallel with their 
own condition. They, therefore, imbibe false notions of their personal 
rights, and give reality in their minds to what has no real existence. 
The peculiar state of our community must be kept in view. This, I am 
gratified to learn, will, in some measure, be promoted by the institution 
of The South Carolina Association." 



A correspondent of the Richmond Whig, in cautioning his fellow- 
citizens not to proceed with rash violence against the abolitionists, bears 
the following remarkable testimony against the fanaticism of mobs, and 
in favor of the u capacity of the degraded race." 

" Fanaticism, in my humble judgment, Messrs. Editors, is not exclu- 
sively confined to men who are advocates of an especial doctrine of re- 
ligion. Mobs are never free from its influence in its very worst and 
most hideous characters. We are now on a crusade against the advo- 
cates of the freedom of a race, who, whatever may be their abstract right 
to that state, are assuredly not prepared to enter even on its hallowed 
precincts ; but do not let us allow ourselves, in the fervor of our detes- 
tation of the characters who would actually inflict wrongs upon us, to 
act with a heat and indiscretion that would punish those not more guilty 
than nine-tenths of the educated men of Virginia, who hold the opinion, 
that were all things fitting, all men should be free. 

" In conclusion, I would call the notice of our citizens, most especially, 
to the class of "genteel colored gentlemen," whose number among us, 
it is intimated to me, is daily augmenting — to watch vigilantly the con- 
duct and manners of the servants of the city, and to divest themselves 
of the belief (a fatal one I fear) that their own are incorruptible. Owing 
to the undue estimate we have accustomed ourselves to make of the in- 
telligence and physical capacity of a degraded race, we have underrated 
both — not so the Northern abolitionist s, who arc at least not bigots on 
that point; they know well that educated men of that race (and how 
many thousands cannot the North and South produce) are sufficiently 
imbued with the " esprit du corps" and with full intelligence and zeal, 
to make the most efficient agents in their cause." 


The two following advertisements are copied without the alteration 
of a letter, from a late Richmond Whig. Strange that slaves should 
ever run away from such excellent accommodations as those of Bacon 
Tait! Perhaps they do not relish the safety and comfort of being sold. 
Would you, reader ? 


"The commodious buildings which I have recently had erected in the 
city of Richmond, are now ready for the accommodation of all persons 
who may wish their NEGROES safely and comfortably taken care of. 

The buildings were erected upon an extensive scale, without regard 
to cost, my main object being to insure the safe-keeping, and at the 
same time the health and comfort of the Negroes who may be placed 

The rooms and yards for the Females are separate from those for the 
Males, and genteel house servants will have rooms to themselves. The 
regulations of the establishment will be general cleanliness, moderate 
exercise, and recreation within the yards during good weather, and 
good substantial food at all times, by which regulations it is intended 


that confinement shall be rendered merely nominal, and the health of 
the Negroes so promoted, that they will be well prepared to encounter 
a change of climate when removed to the South. 

These buildings are situated on the lot corner of 15th and Cary streets, 
between Mayo's Bridge and the Bell Tavern. Apply to 



"F. H. Pettis, native of Orange County, Va., being located in the 
city of New- York, in the practice of law, announces to his friends and 
the public in general, that he has been engaged as counsel and adviser 
in general, for a party whose business it is in the northern cities to 
arrest and secure runaway slaves. He has been thus engaged for several 
years, and as the act of Congress alone governs now in this city, in 
business of this sort, which renders it easy for the recovery of such 
property, he invites post-paid communications to him, enclosing a fee 
of $20 in each case, and a power of attorney minutely descriptive of 
the party absconded, and if in the northern region, he or she will soon 
be had. 

Mr. Pettis will attend promptly to all law-business confided to him. 

N. B. New- York City is estimated to contain five thousand run- 
away slaves. PETTIS." 

When in : quity can thus stalk abroad without a blush, is it any wonder 
that compassion and sympathy for the oppressed should excite the most 
malignant revilings ? Compare with the foregoing, the rage against 
Mr. Tappan, expressed by the Winchester (Va.) Republican. 

"They will get him ! A reward of twenty thousand dollars 
is said to be offered at New-Orleans for the delivery, upon the levee, of 
Arthur Tappan, President of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
This man, who has not even the poor apology of fanaticism to plead — 
vanity and hypocrisy being the only inmates of his callous heart — has 
raised a storm that will sweep him to destruction. He has lighted at 
his hearth-fire the torch that is to enrlame the homes of the South — 
now let him look to his own Penates! Let this ruthless foe to the 
wives and daughters of the South, who would condemn them to a fate 
more horrid than a death of tortures — let him now look well to himself 
i — he may enjoy the * monstrari digito' in a style very different from being 
pointed at in Broadway as the Wilberforce of America. 

" [ CZPThere is a rumor that Arthur Tappan has fled by sea — 

" ' There let him sink — and be the seas on him ." " 


Mr. Editor: The enclosed is from a woman held in bondage in 
Virginia, to her husband in this city. About two years since, he had 
the promise that when he would pay $400 he might have his wife and 
his two children, but since that time slaves have risen so much, and his 
children have groxon so fast, they ask $800. 

The poor fellow has been laboring and saving his money, and had 
obtained two hundred and fifty dollars, and made an arrangement with 


a friend to lend him the remainder, when this letter was read, that 
dashed from his high hopes the pleasure he should enjoy in having his 
wife and his children with him. Yours, B. 

- June 5th, 1835. 
Dear Husband,-- Yours of the 24th ultimo came safe to hand, and I 
was glad to hear from you, and also to hear that you were well. As 
to myself and the children, we are all enjoying good health at this 
time. The last letter of yours that I received before this, afforded me 
more satisfaction than any I have read since your departure from this 
place. But this last has put me as far from hope as ever. I am afraid 
that you have not read either of my letters that I have sent lately to 
you. I am willing to do anything in my power to be with you, but you 
know how I am situated here ; I am more watched now by my owners 
since you left than ever, for fear that I may go away from them ; it is 
impossible for me almost to go down in town without I am watched, 
for fear that I leave. I do not see any way at all that I can get off to 
be with you, without you purchase myself and the children, for it would 
be an endless task for me to undertake it. I was valued about two 
months ago, at eight hundred dollars and the children with me ; as to 
my children they grow so fast I am afraid they will ask more for them 
than they do now, they are advised by the white people, so that you 
cannot purchase us. If I were in your situation, free, I would labor for 
you, and I am in hopes you will soon be able to send for us, as I am 
very anxious to be with you. Yours, L. 


[From the Philanthropist.] 
A correspondent writes, — "It is an assertion so constantly made, 
that Great Britain laid the foundation of Slavery in these United States, 
by the introduction of Blacks, that it is now the undisputed opinion of 
almost every man throughout America. This is apparently founded on 
tradition, but not on truth, if the statement of the earliest historian of 
Virginia is to be accredited. That gentleman (Beverley — 2d. ed. 1722, 
p. 35,) affirms, that 'In August following (1620,) a Dutch man-of-war 
landed 20 Negroes for sale ; ivhich were the first of that kind that were 
carried into the country.' Their purchase appears, therefore, to have 
been a voluntary act of our own, and by no means forced upon us by 
the mother country. Let the saddle then be placed on the right horse, 
and let us remember that truth is sacred, even if it militates against 
ourselves. — England has, with all her glory and renown, a sufficiency 
of evil to answer for, without unduly loading her with that of others/' 


Ware, Sept. 4, 1835. 

I cannot think that the cause of immediate emancipation, with it3 
fast multiplying friends, is likely to be retarded for the want of ad- 
vocates. It might almost be said, what more efficient advocates can it 

11] AMOS DRESSER. 119 

need than its avowed foes ? Only let "the chivalrous Southrons" con- 
tinue to speak as for a few week past, and they w r ill confirm, past ques- 
tion, the more important statements of the Northern friends of the slave ; 
and the latter may say with equal truth and soberness, our "strength 
is to sit still."* The late attempt to silence the voice of discussion, and 
muzzle the press, and place an odious espionage over the mail, and 
make law give place to the phrenzy of mobocracy, and take the key of 
knowledge from free people of color, and compel emancipated slaves 
either to quit their homes or return to a state of vassalage, has already 
opened many eyes — it will doubtless loosen many tongues at the North, 
if not the chains of many bondmen, and women, and children, at the 
South. The crisis is a most solemn one. Never was there more occa- 
sion to be " wise as serpents, and harmless as doves." In ajl great 
moral revolutions, there is a loud call to move forward, with the eye of 
strong faith raised to heaven ; with a deep sense of dependance on Him 
who holdeth human hearts in his hand as the rivers of waters, and who 
can turn into foolishness the counsel of Ahithophel ; with the law of 
kindness on the tongue, and with pure, powerful love glowing in the 
heart, and prompting to vigorous and bold action. 

Contradiction. — We perceive in the Millenial Trumpeter, of Ten- 
nessee, a contradiction of the story of a slave being frozen to death, 
for fear of the whip, which we copied from that paper into the June 
Record, (page 64). For the honor of humanity we shall always and 
gladly publish every such contradiction, coming from good authority. 

" iCjP* We are happy to have it in our power this week to state that, 
from testimony upon which we can rely, we are induced to believe that 
the reported death by freezing, of a female slave near Morganton, is 
untrue. A gentleman who lives near Morganton has informed us that 
himself and five other gentlemen have carefully examined into this case, 
and that after the most minute inquiry they have come deliberately to 
the conclusion that the story has no foundation in fact ; — that, while it 
is true that a female slave belonging to Mr. Mayo did die a few days 
after the cold 7th of February last, yet that the story of her being sent 
to the woods on the Saturday previous, to chop or grub, was a malicious 

Amos Dresser. — Ir? the Emancipator for October, will be found a 
most interesting narrative, from the pen of Mr. Dresser, of his treatment 
in Nashville, Tennessee, where he received hventy stripes upon the 
naked back, for being a member of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society, and 
for having in his possession Anti-Slavery publications. The following 
extract relates to the cut which is now placed on our title-page. 

" Mr. Stout, on this occasion, told me that the scene represented in 
the cut was one of by no means unfrequent occurrence — that it was 
accurate in all its parts, and that he had witnessed it again and again. 
Mr. S. is himself a slaveholder, though, as he says, opposed to slavery 
in principle — a member, if not an elder, in the Presbyterian church, and 
one of the committee of vigilance which afterwards sat in judgment 
upon me." 





Into the Treasury of the American 

Anti-Slavery Society, from August 

15th to September 16lh, 1835. 

Concord, N. H., Geo. Storrs, 100 00 

Dover, " A. S. S. do., 50 00 

Great Falls " " do., 40 00 

" " A Friend, 17 

Lebanon, " Mrs. Lucretia 

Storrs, 5 00 

New AJ?stead, " J. F. Isliam, 5 00 

Andover, Mass., Students in 

Seminary, 5 00 

Bronson, " G. F. Davis, 12 00 
Plymouth, " G. L. Ward, 5 00 

Providence, R. I., Female A. S. 

S., per Mrs. H. L.Truesdell, 80 00 
" " T. & R., 10 00 

" " Female Juve- 

nile A. S. S., 50 00 

Brooklyn, Conn., Female A. S. 

S., per Thos. Huntington, 12 00 
" " Herbert. Williams, do. 5 00 
" " T. Huntington, 8 00 

Hartford, " Dea. A. M. Collins, 20 00 
Glastenburg, Vt., by a Friend, 1 00 

Columbiana, Ohio, A. S. S., 8 50 

Granville, " Female A. S. S., 

by W. W. Bancroft, 20 00 

" A. S. S., by do., 20 00 

Harrisonville, " A. S. S., 3 00 

West Union, Dyer Burgess, 100 00 

Newark, N. J., Ellison Conger, 25 00 
Salem, " Miss A. Goodwin, 1 75 
Clinton, N. Y., Collection on 4th 

July, 25 00 

Columbus, " by Rev. Mr. Adams, 5 00 
Peru, " A. S. S., by T. B. 

Watson, Esq., 20 00 

Perry, " by S. F. Pheonix, 50 00 

York, " Rev. A. Fisher, 4 00 

Flushing, L. L, by a Friend, 10 00 

New- York city, Wm. Green, Jr. 83 33 
" A. Tappan, 1000 00 

•' Wm. Green, Jr., 333 33 
'» Pledge at Anniver- 
sary, a Friend, by L. TapDan, 655 04 
" J. Rankin, 400 00 

11 Young Men's A. S. S., 40 00 
41 Lewis Tappan, 250 00 

*' 3. W. Higgins, 200 00 

11 A Friend, per A. T. 
& Co., 40 00 

Total, 3702 51 

John Rankin Treasurer, 
No. 8 Cedar St. 

Monthly Collections received by the 
Publishing Agent, from August 1 to 
September 1, 1835. 
Akron, O., S. F. Fenn, 1 25 

Buffalo, N.Y., by E. A. Marsh, 15 00 
Brunswick, Me., J. Drummond, 3 00 
Brighton, N. Y., by Dr. W. W. 

Read, 3 50 

Cazenovia, N. Y., by T. Kellogg, 4 00 
China, N. Y., by R. W. Lyman, 5 00 
Cooperstown, N. Y., J. D. Ham- 
mond, 1 25 
Canandagua, N. Y., H. M. Robin- 
son, 1 50 
Darien, Conn., by D. Ferris, 1 38 
Hebron, Me., W. H. Deering, 4 00 
Harvard, Mass., L. Sawyer, 1 50 
Haddam, Ccnn., D. C. Tyler, 50 
Joslin's Corners, N. Y., Rev. O. C. 

Caldwell, 1 25 

Newark, N. J., Dr. J. A. Payne, 1 50 
New-York city, by a Friend,* 50 

" N. P. Johnson, 1 63 

" Sundry small sub- 

scriptions, 2 00 

Oneida Institute, N. Y., by W. J. 

Savage, 11 16 

Plainfield, Conn., P. Hinchley, 1 50 
Rochester, N. Y., by Dr. W. W. 

Read, 22 50 

Rome, N. Y., by Dr. A. Blare, 6 00 

Saco, Me., by George Ropes, 1 25 

Tallmage, O., by Dea. Wright, 4 25 
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Vienna, 0.,F. Reid, 3 75 

Whitestown, N.Y. by Thos. Beebe, 5 00 
Jewelry, by A. Judson, as follows : 
Utica, N. Y., two gold rings, and 
a breast-pin, from two young 
Sherburne, N. Y., two silver spoons 
from Miss M. C. Copeland. 
" one string of gold beads 
from Miss R. Copeland. 
" one string of gold beads 
from Miss S. M. Lee. 
Received for books, pamphlets, 

&c, 2,18 14 

" " Emancipator, 195 56 

" " Human Rights, 224 39 
" " Quarterly Magazine, 8 00 

751 93 
R. G. Williams, 
Publishing Agent, A. A. S. S., 
144 Nassau St. 



VOL. I. NOVEMBER, 1835. [Second Edition.] NO. 11. 


Mr. Dresser is one of those who took a dismission from the Cincin- 
nati Lane Seminary, on account of the law suppressing the Anti- 
Slavery Society. On the first of July last, he engaged in selling "the 
Cottage Bible," as the means of raising funds to complete his education. 
In this business he passed through Kentucky, and arrived in Nashville, 
Tennessee, on the 18th of July. On his way he had distributed Anti- 
Slavery and other tracts, and periodicals, but in no case, to any person 
of color, bond or free. In Sumner county, Tennessee, he had sold a 
copy of Rankin's Letters on Slavery. So far was he from any attempt 
at concealment, or clandestine operation, that in sending his carriage to 
be repaired at Nashville, he did not take the precaution to remove from 
it a number of Anti-Slavery publications, that had been used in packing 
his Bibles in the box. These were discovered by the workmen, while 
rummaging the carriage, asd a rumor was immediately set afloat that 
Dresser was trying to Excite the slaves to insurrection, by the distribution 
of incendiary publications. As soon as he learned this fact, Mr. 


Dresser explained to Mr. Stout, at whose shop his carriage was re- 
paired, the reason of his having Anti-Slavery publications, and leaving 
them in the carriage. On this occasion, Mr. Stout, himself a slave- 
holder, and a member of the Presbyterian church, told him that the 
scene represented in the cut, which had chiefly created the excitement, 
was one of by no means unfrequent occurrence — that it was accurate in 
all its parts, and that he had witnessed it again and again,* 

But the spirit of slavery was roused, and the exposure of the truth 
was not to be forgiven. Mr. Dresser was seized and brought before a 
committee of vigilance, consisting of sixty members, among whom 
were many professors of religion, and men of the highest respectability, 
in the city. This self- constituted tribunal proceeded to examine his 
trunks and to read his private letters. After an investigation, protracted 
till near midnight, they found him guilty of the following atrocious crimes : 
— " 1st, of being a member of an Anti-Slavery Society in Ohio :" 2d, 
"of having in his possession periodicals published by the American 
Anti-Slavery Society:" 3d, "they believed he had circulated these pe- 
riodicals, and advocated in the community the principles they incul- 
cate." Though these crimes were totally unknown to the laws, they 
proceeded to sentence him to receive twenty lashes on his bare 
back, and to leave the place in twenty-four hours, (i. e. on the Sabbath.) 
The committee, attended by the crowd, proceeded forthwith to the public 
square, to execute the sentence. On leaving the court-house, the Editor 
of one of the newspapers seized upon his journal and private letters, 
and appropriated them to his own use. We will describe the execution 
in the language of Mr. Dresser himself. 

" I entered the ring that had been formed ; the chairman (accompa- 
nied by the committee) again called for an expression of sentiment in 
relation to the sentence passed upon me ; again the vote was unani- 
mous in approbation of it, and again did he express his gratification at 
the good order by which the whole proceeding had been characterized. 
Whilst some of the company were engaged in stripping me of my 
garments, a motion was made and seconded that I be exonerated 
altogether from punishment. This brought many and furious impreca- 
tions on the mover's head, and created a commotion which was ap- 
peased only by the sound of the instrument of torture and disgrace 
upon my naked body. 

"I knelt to receive the punishment, which was inflicted by Mr. 
Braughton the city officer, with a heavy cowskin. When the infliction 
ceased, an involuntary feeling of thanksgiving to God for the fortitude 
with which I had been enabled to endure it arose in my soul, to which 
I began aloud to give utterance. The deathlike silence that prevailed 
for a moment, was suddenly broken with loud exclamations, * G — d 
d — n him, stop his praying.' I was raised to my feet by Mr. Braugh- 
ton, conducted by him to my lodging, where it was thought safe for me 
to remain but for a few moments." 

* This cut is now adopted as the standing one of our cover. It represents a 
scene witnessed in Kentucky by Rev. Mr. Dickey. See Rankin's Letters on 
Slavery, page 45. 


From this scene of persecution Mr. Dresser was hurried away, being 
obliged to make an almost total sacrifice of the property in his pos- 

Perhaps some of Mr. Dresser's self-styled judges, may justify them- 
selves by saying, that had they voted to exonerate him from punishment, 
he would have been put to death by an infuriated mob. This is very 
probable, but what does such a probability prove of slavery ? What 
sort of an institution is that which cannot bear to be spoken of in the 
language of truth ? which drives the most respectable members of a 
community into a disgraceful and unlawful outrage upon the rights of 
an American citizen, to save the perpetration of a crime in its defence 
still more diabolical ? Is there any longer a doubt that such an insti- 
tution is dangerous to the country — nay, to the weal of the whole 
human race ? 


" Both thy bondmen and thy bondmaids, which thou*shalt have, sha ) be of 
the heathen round about you ; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bonthnaids. 
Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them 
shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your 
land; and they shall be your possession; and ye shall take them as an in- 
heritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession ; they 
shall be your bondmen for ever." Leviticus xxv, 44 — 46. 

What is the meaning of this passage, so often quoted as a complete 
justification of American slavery ? 

It is plain that we can get no light upon it from any modern systems 
of slavery, existing among nations that were never regulated by Hebrew 
law. We may, therefore, as well forget every feature of that slavery 
which has grown out of the African slave trade, as well as whatever 
we know of Grecian and Roman bondage, before coming to this inquiry. 

Did a devout and law-abiding Hebrew regard his bondman as a 
piece of property, that might be sold like an ox or a sheep ? whose des- 
tiny, no more than that of a brute, depended on his own will ? Might 
the bondman be sold for the master's debt? Might he be forcibly 
reclaimed from flight ? Whatever may have been the nature of the 
service, could a man be reduced to it against his will ? 

The history of a nation sheds light upon its laws. Let us see what 
the Bible history says of the custom which this law was designed to 

The ancestors of the Hebrews were shepherds. " Abraham was very 
rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold." He was called by his neighbors 
a " mighty prince." On one occasion he armed three hundred and 
eighteen of his "trained servants, born in his own house," and pursued 
after a number of shepherd kings. Isaac had " great store of servants," 
who tended his immense flocks — leading them from place to place, as 
they could find food and water. The same we are told of Jacob. It 
is remarkable that Jacob was himself a servant for twenty years. Four- 


teen years he served for his wives, and six for his cattle ; and he com- 
plains that in that period his master changed liis w r ages ten times. Had 
Jacob been rich in silver and gold, it is very probable that he would 
have paid down a round sum to the close-fisted Laban, for R.achel and 
the cattle, and he might also have bought servants. But, for any thing 
that appears in the whole Bible history, he would no more have thought 
it his right to sell the servants, without their own consent, than to sell 
Rachel. The whole history shows, that both the servants who were 
born in the house, and those who were bought with money, were volun- 
tary members of the household. The very nature of the shepherd life 
rendered it almost impossible to coerce them. While they followed the 
flocks over hill and dale, it was vain to think of retaining them against 
their will. They could not be attached to their masters by fear. 

The unassuming simplicity of manners which characterized the 
patriarchs is most touchingly portrayed, and it was heaven-wide from 
mat imperious sway which marks the holders of American slaves. 
Was a calf to be dressed for a stranger? Perhaps a young man ran and 
fetched it— perhaps the patriarch himself. Who was to be Abraham's 
heir, in default of a son ? The steward of his house. Do we read of 
overseers, of fugitives, of whips, of chains, of insurrections? Not a 
word. We find no record of the sale of a slave by any of the patriarchs, 
except in the case of Joseph, of which cruel act the perpetrators were 
made bitterly to repent. Although they bought servants with money, 
and reckoned them among their possessions, it is a most wicked libel 
on the patriarchs, to say that they either coerced their services, or made 
merchandise of their bodies. 

To the reader, unprejudiced by the sophistical defences of modern 
slavery, it will be plain that the servants of the patriarchs were bound 
only by benefits received. In the shepherd life, large families were a 
sort of joint stock company for mutual benefit and protection ; the 
gre p4 „er the company, within certain limits, the greater the profit and 
L: ? af°r the safety ; while desertion was the ready safeguard against, 
the ty-<i»,r of the head. 

In i^gyp ihe Israelites learned not only the art of agriculture, but 
the bitterness of bondage. They were warned, while in the probation 
of the A'llderness, by their inspired legislator, never to imitate the 
Egyp an oppressor. Lev. xix, 33, 34. As Moses found nothing like 
slave v existing among the Israelites, it is natural to suppose, that even 
without guidance from above, with the scenes of " the house of bondage" 
fre-,n in his memory, he would effectually guard against its future 
o f urrence. "While the bondservice of their shepherd ancestors was 
r tained, a few simple regulations were admirably adjusted to prevent 
u from degenerating into Egyptian bondage. 

i. JNo Hebrew, however unreservedly he might sell himself to his 
brother Hebrew, could be held to service longer than six years, unless 
at the end of that period he voluntarily, and before witnesses, expressed 
his desire to remain. 

2. The inheritance of each family, however completely alienated, 
must, at farthest, return to it in the year of jubilee. Thus the land was 


kept divided into portions too small to admit the profitable employment 
of large gangs of slaves for their cultivation. 

3. The fugitive servant was not to be delivered up to his master. 
Deut. xxiii, 15, 16. 

4. The jubilee, every fiftieth year, proclaimed liberty to all the in- 
habitants of the land* 

Subject to these regulations, the custom of buying servants was 
admitted, and the " possession" of such servants could mean no more 
than it did with the patriarchs. In reality, these heathen servants be- 
came incorporated with the families of their possessors, (Lev. xxii, 
10, 11,) and could be retained only on condition of submitting to the 
Israelitish rites. There is no proof that they could be sold, either for 
profit, or to satisfy creditors, any more than the children. The condi- 
tion was one of comparative hardship, but there is no proof that any 
man could be forced into it, while there is the most positive enactment 
of a remedy against that abuse of power to which, while in it, he was 

Some have denied that the jubilee brought liberty to the heathen 
bondservant They confine its liberating power to the Hebrews, and 
especially to those who through poverty sold themselves to strangers 
and sojourners in the land, (Lev. xxv, 47 — 65.) Such interpreters 
understand by " all the inhabitants" of the land, (Lev. xxv, 10,) only 
the Hebrews. What then shall be done with the Hebrew who had 
his ear bored with an awl in the presence of the judges? (Ex. xxi, 6.) 
Was he not an "inhabitant" of the land ? Yet he was, in the language 
of the law, to serve for ever. Either the word all must be limited to 
mean only a part, or the word forever must be reduced from signifying 
the whole duration of human life, the most extensive sense which the 
subject will admit, to signify the interval to the jubilee. The reader 
may judge which is the most probable supposition. If it was the legis- 
lator's purpose to establish a system of perpetual slavery, surely the 
wording or the law of jubilee was as unwise as it is unaccountable. 
Moreover, how is this holding of strangers by a law so different from 
that which regulated the Israelites, to be reconciled with the laws with 
regard to strangers in other respects? (Lev. xix, 33, 34, and xxiv, 22.) 

But were we to grant, as we are by no means prepared to, that the 
bondmen and bondmaids of our text were not liberated by the jubilee, 
still there is no evidence that their children were held to the same 
service, without their own consent, w,hen arrived at maturity. The law 
does not say, ye shall take them and their children after them, as an 
inheritance. Such is the unwarrantable extension of modern slave- 
holders, who, while they are ever ready to resort to the Mosaic law, 
where it may be tortured to favor their usurpation, are as ready to ex- 
ceed its limitations and violate its statutes, when they stand clearly 
opposed to their own guilty practice. 

If our slaveholders would but adopt the whole Mosaic code in regard 
to service, they would find that, so far from having perpetuated slavery^ 
they had adopted a system of perpetually recurring abolition ; a system 
of just and honorable dealing with laborers, destructive alike to slavery 


126 HAtTI, [6 

and pauperism, and promotive of the highest good. From such a slave- 
code, in its full application, we plead for no immediate emancipation. 
But before such a code can be applied, all must be placed on the footing 
of equal rights, and left to the exercise of their full powers, unrestricted 
except by impartial law. 


Why is it that in this land of boasted liberty, we are constantly told 
of the atrocities perpetrated upon the white people, by the poor enslaved 
blacks of St. Domingo? We are taught that the slaves of St. Domingo, 
rose and murdered their masters to obtain their liberty, and this as a 
reason why it would be dangerous for masters in the United States, to 
give the slaves their liberty — as a reason why no man should open his 
lips to plead for justice and mercy. The whole lesson is false and 
cruelly unjust to the colored man of St. Domingo. But suppose it true ; 
why should we not also be told of the previous atrocities perpetrated by 
the lordly white masters, upon their unoffending slaves ? Have we no 
need to study that part of the history of St. Domingo? 

A traveller who passed through Hayti, in 1830, thus describes the 
ruins of the once magnificent estate of a planter, named Carradeu, near 
the village of MoqUet. "The mansion where once the lordly master 
feasted among his friends, and, in the intoxication of pride and power, 
gave those mandates to his trembling slaves, which consigned some to 
the burning furnace, others to the boiling cauldron, (see Malenfant on 
Colonies, p. 172, note,) exhibited only in the remnant of walls and 
terraces, the place where once they sheltered his vice and tyranny. 
The giant palms, however, whose leafy heads, supported on stems of a 
hundred feet, old Carradeu, in the frenzy of the times, sought to rival, 
by placing the skulls of some fifty slaves he had decapitated at Auboy 
«n poles by the roadside hedges, still float their green locks in thft 
sunny breeze." (Lacroix, &c.) 

He adds, "I have frequently, in Hayti, heard the characteristic story 
which Malenfant relates of this man. Carradeu had taught his negroes, 
by fdtal experience, that they were never to expect forgiveness in his 
wrath. It was the secret by which he had lived great, was dreaded 
and obeyed. He had never cut off his right-hand by it, but in this in- 
ai ance he was going to inflict on himself irreparable injury. There was 
a valuable head boiler of his sugar-house, a man whose knowledge and 
experience was a source of riches to him, on whom he had inflicted the 
penalty of inhumation to the neck in the cold earth. His life he was 
willing and anxious to save, but it was necessary to make a truce be- 
tween interest and vengeance. This inconsistency would be fatal to 
his government, if he forgave once ; the dread which the certainty of 
punishment had beneficially excited, would lose its effects on the caution 
and obedience of his slaves. * I would not,' said he to a party of ladies 
at dinner with him, * induce this man, whom I must spare, to think that 

7J HATTI. 127 

the pardon for his fault had emanated from me. When I draw my 
nandkerchief, fall down at my feet and ask mercy of me for him. I 
will say he has obtained it by your solicitation, not by my desire, so that 
by being apparently consistent, I may preserve the dread of my unre- 
lenting character with my people.' Carradeu in this instance had to 
deal with one as haughty as himself. The courageous negro, who had 
dug his own grave, chanting his death-song while he threw up the earth, 
felt he had endured a wrong which nothing but death could requite ; 
he only wanted an opportunity of revenge. He saw the prostration of 
the female guests at his master's feet ; he heard forgiveness from hi3 
lips for the first time. He could scarcely credit what his eyes beheld. 
In the delirium of his sufferings he exclaimed, ' You show mercy to me 
— it is impossible! — you are no longer Carradeu; but, if you are, I 
swear by her who took oath before God for me, that I rest not in peace 
till I destroy you ! Be merciful to me if you dare !' This presumption 
of despair was fatal to him. Carradeu silenced the threat by hurling a 
fragment of rock at his head. Having dashed out the brains of his 
victim, he returned to his convivial friends, saved from doing an action 
inconsistent with the character he enjoyed, among his slaves, of never 
having forgiven an injury or remitted a punishment." — British Anti-Sla- 
very Reporter, Vol. IV, p. 212. 

Not only are the cruelties of the masters forgotten by us, and the re- 
venge of the poor slaves misrepresented, but the most malicious false- 
hoods are everywhere propagated, in regard to the present condition of 
Hayti. Amidst all this abuse of liberty under a dark skin, we are glad 
to see testimony like the following extract of a letter, published in the 
New- York Journal of Commerce. The writer, from his ungenerous hint 
about getting rid of our colored fellow-citizens, is obviously not an 
abolitionist, and therefore not to be suspected of any prejudices in favor 
of the black republic. 

" I have never seen any government really free before Every 

colored person is a citizen from the moment of his arrival, and entitled:, 
upon application to the commandant, to nine acres of good land for 
himself, and as much for his family. . . . The population as yet hardly 
amounts to a million, but there is room for ten times that number, 
besides all the black and colored population of the United States ; and 
being so near, it would be well to get rid of them in that way, seeing 
that they bid fair to be very quiet and peaceable neighbors. You 
would hardly believe that all the cash remittances to the Cape and Port 
au Prince, a distance of nearly three hundred miles, through lonely 
woods, rugged precipices and deep rivers, are conveyed in the shape of 
doubloons by an unarmed footman, and that no instance of any failure 
or interruption is on record. The government may fairly be said to put 
all others to shame, by accomplishing without any apparent coercion, 
what all others have attempted to accomplish in vain, by complicated 

128 GRANVILLE StfAH£. [8 


The philanthropists of Great Britain, who labored so long and so 
nobly for the abolition of the slave trade, shrunk from attacking slavery 
itself— the mother of the accursed traffic. In this, the noble spirit of 
Granville Sharp rose above them all. How does the following testi- 
mony exalt his blessed memory ! 

" Though Sharp, as chairman and member of the committee of the 
society for abolishing the African slave trade, confined himself to that 
particular and limited object, he did not merge therein his personal and 
separate identity, or forsake the noble yearnings of his soul. Alive to 
the cause of universal philanthropy, he seized every opportunity of 
urging the sacred cause of the slave ; and of asserting the principle 
dear to his heart, which the British code and everlasting law alike es* 
tablish, "that it is better to suffer every evil, than consent to any," 
Melius est omnia mala pati, quam malu consentire. In a letter to the 
Bishop of London, January, 1795, he earnestly warns him "of the 
great national danger of tolerating slavery in any part of the British 
dominions," and urges the scriptural doctrines, that " the throne is estab- 
lished by righteousness," and that no power can be durably established 
without it. In a memorandum, (without date,) the following is the 
breathing of his upright soul : " Having been required by the commit- 
tee of the society in London, instituted for effecting the abolition of the 
slave trade, to sign officially and singly with my name their late reso- 
lutions, in answer to the charges of ■ Esq. ; I think it right to 

declare, with respect to myself individually, that though I have carefully 
maintained the principles and orders of the society, in every transaction 
wherein I have been concerned as a member of it, ever since it was 
formed in 1787, and have always strictly limited my official endeavors 
to the single declared object of the institution, " the abolition of the slave 
trade," — Yet I am bound in reason and common justice to mankind, 
further to declare, that many years (at least twenty) before the society 
was formed, I thought and ever shall think it my duty to expose trie 
monstrous impiety and cruelty (impious and cruel being the due epithets 
fixed by an allowed maxim of the law on such iniquity) not only of 
the slave trade, but also, of slavery itself, in whatever form it is found; 
and likewise to assert, that no authority on earth can ever render such 
enormous iniquities legal; but that the Divine retribution (the 'measure 
for measure,'' so clearly denounced in the holy scriptures) will inevitably 
pursue every government or legislature, that shall presume to establish, 
or even to tolerate such abominable injustice. I should forfeit all title 
to true loyalty as an Englishman, did I not continue the same fixed 
detestation of slavery, which I have publicly avowed for about thirty 
years past. But my declarations on that head were always intended 
as friendly learnings against the obvious and ordinary consequences of 
that unchristian oppression, slavery ! but surely, not to excite those fatal 
consequences— fox that would be superfluous, as they are in themselves 
but too sure and inevitable, unless timely amendment should avert 
them." — StuarVs Memoir of Sharp, p. 57. 



In 1791, King Naimbana, filled with admiration for Sharp's char- 
acter, sent his eldest son to England for education, committing him to 
Sharp's care ; and the young chief was soon settled, about forty miles 
from London, in the family of Rev. Mr. Gambier. Sharp, though thus 
at a distance, watched over him like a father ; and young Naimbana 
(then twenty-nine years of age) exhibited a disposition in every way 
worthy of cultivation. His capacity- was not extraordinary ; but he 
excelled in distinguishing characters. His person was not remarkable ; 
but his demeanor was uncommonly pleasing, being full of native cour- 
tesy and delicacy. His disposition was affectionate, and his feelings 
warm. He became deeply impressed with religious principles, and 
with reverence for the sacred Scriptures. His morals were pure, and 
he always showed an abhorrence for profane conversation, and for every 
kind of vice. Respecting the reputation of his country, he displayed a 
lively jealousy; and being once told of a person who had publicly 
asserted something highly derogatory to the African character, he broke 
out into violent and vindictive language. Being immediately reminded 
of the duty of loving our enemies, he replied, "If a man should rob me 
of my money, I could forgive him ; if he should shoot at me, or try to 
stab me, I could forgive him. If he should sell me and all my family 
into slavery, I could forgive him ; but," added he, rising from his seat 
with great emotion, "if a man take away the character of the people of 
my country, I cannot forgive him." Why, said his friend. He answered, 
solemnly, "If a man steal from me, or try to kill me, or sell me and my 
family for slaves, he does an injury to the few, whom he attacks or sells. 
But if any one take away the character of black people, he injures black 
people all over the world; and when once he has taken away their char- 
acter, there is nothing which he may not afterwards do to black people. 
He will beat black men, and say, 'Oh, it is only a black man P He 
will enslave black people, and cry, ' Oh, they are blacks P He may take 
away all the people of Africa, if he can catch them, and if you ask him, 
'Why do you take away all these people?' he will say, 'Oh, they are only 
black people — they are not as w r hite as we are — why should I not take 
them ?' That is the reason why I cannot forgive the man who takes 
away the character of the people of my country." — StuarVs Memoir of 
Granville Sharp, p. 47. 


From the Baron de Vastey, on the Colonial System. De Vastey was a 
colored man of St. Domingo, who published several works. We do 
not know whether he was originally a slave. 

" Every species of calumny and absurdity, has been invented to palli- 
ate the atrocious injustice of white men, toward those whom they have 
tormented and persecuted for ages. 

130 ANECDOTES. [10 

" Posterity will find it difficult to believe, that in an enlightened age like 
ours, there are men, who call themselves philosophers, willing to reduce 
human beings to an equality with brutes, merely for the sake of sanc- 
tioning the abominable privilege of oppressing a large portion of man- 
kind. While I am now writing, I can scarcely refrain from laughter, 
at the absurdities which have been published on this subject. Learned 
authors, and skilful anatomists, have passed their lives in discussing 
facts as clear as daylight, and in dissecting the bodies of men and ani- 
mals, in order to prove that I, who am now writing, belong to the race 
of Ourang-Outangs ! Edward Long gravely advances, as a proof of 
the moral inferiority of the black man, that our vermin are black, and 
that we eat wildcats. Hanneman maintains that our color originates 
in the curse pronounced by Noah against Canaan ; others affirm that 
it was a mark fixed upon Cain, for the murder of his brother Abel. 
For myself, I see strong reasons to believe that the white men are the 
real descendants of Cain ; for I still find in them that primifive hatred, 
that spirit of envy and of pride, and that passion for riches, which the 
Scriptures inform us led him to sacrifice his brother. 

" I smile while I ask whether we are still in those ages of ignorance 
and superstition, which saw Copernicus and Galileo condemned as 
heretics and sorcerers ? Or whether we are really living in an age of 
light, which has given birth to so many great men, who have immor- 
talized their country by illustrious works ?" 

[communicated by a lady.] 

a A fellow-feeling makes us wondrous kind. 1 * 

A wealthy gentleman of Boston, better known by his attachment to 
cards, than by any other token, recently returned from Europe, and 
cordially entered into the existing excitement against the abolitionists. 
" I am glad to hear they are hanging them up on trees at Vicksburg," 
said he. " It is good enough for the scoundrels. I only wish they had 
hung them in the hot sun, instead of giving them the benefit of the 
shade." A person near him observed, " I believe they were not aboli- 
tionists that were hung at Vicksburg ; they were gamblers." " Gam- 
blers! Gamblers!" exclaimed the anti-abolitionist — "What right had 
they to interfere with them ? " 

During a recent visit to Philadelphia, I was much impressed by a 
conversation with a worthy, sensible man, a plain republican. "I 
used to be very much prejudiced against the abolitionists," said he ; 
" but I owe it to them, that I have been kept from Infidelity. I got my 
mind very much against religion. I thought it was all hypocrisy ; and 


for a long time I never went into any meeting-house. But I was per- 
suaded to go to an abolition meeting ; and I was so much pleased with 
the spirit that was manifested, that I went again. When I saw men 
willing to be of no account among their brethren, and all for the poor 
and the despised ; when I saw men acting against their worldly in- 
terests, for conscience sake; when I heard men praying for their 
enemies ; I said to myself, ' there must be something in religion. It is 
not all hypocrisy.' Abolition saved me from being an Infidel." 


An inscription under the picture of an aged negro woman, 
By James Montgomery, Esq. 

Art thou a woman? so am I, and all 

That woman can be, I have been or am, 

A daughter, sister, consort, mother, widow, 

Whiche'er of these thou art, oh be the friend 

Of one who is what thou canst never be; 

Look on thyself, thy kindred, home and country, 

Then fall upon thy knees and cry, f thank God, 

An English woman cannot, be a Slave. 1 

Art thou a man ? Oh I have known, have loved, 

And lost, all that to woman can be — 

A father, brother, husband, son, who shared 

My bliss in freedom, my wo in bondage ; 

A childless widow now, a friendless slave, 

What shall I ask of thee, since I have nought 

To lose but life's sad burden ; nought to gain 

But heaven's repose; -these are beyond thy power. 

Me thou canst neither wrong nor help, what then? 

Go to the bosom of thy family, 

Gather thy little children round thy knees, 

Gaze on their innocence, their clear full eyes 

All fixed on thine : and in their mother, mark 

The loveliest look that woman's face can wear, 

Her look of love, beholding them and thee. 

Then at the altar of your household joys 

Vow, one by one, vow altogether, vow 

With heart and voice, eternal enmity 

Against oppression by your brethren's hand : 

Till man, nor woman, under Britain 7 s laws, 

Nor son, nor daughter, born within her empire, 

Shall buy, or sell, or hold, or be a Slave, 


Fifty-nine tons of Bibles have been shipped from England to Antigua 
and Jamaica, for the use of the emancipated people. This is the effect 



of Emancipation. At the last meeting of the British and Foreign Bible 
Society, one of its distinguished members pledged the Society before 
the delegates from America, Bishop Mcllvaine and Rev. Dr. Spring, 
to send an equal number of Bibles to our slaves, when emancipated. 
Who will dare to shut out this blessed light from the perishing mill- 


Donations received by the Treasurer 
of the American Anti-Sla.ery Soci- 
ety, from Sept. 17, to Oct. 10, 1835. 

Brookline, Mass., Samuel Phil- 
brick, by J. C. Odiorne, $100 00 

Cummington, Mass., by A. Reed, 3 50 

Lee, " by a Friend, 50 

H «< it u n 25 

Ware, " E. C. Prichett, 5000 

New-Hampshire State Society, 

Geo. Kent, 150 00 

Concord, N. JL, Ladies' A. S. S. 50 00 
u " Amos Wood, 50 00 

Wilmington, Vt., M. Bruce, 2 00 

Middlebury, Ct., from Rev. J. At- 

water's Parish, 3 00 

Norwich, Ct., Ladies' A. S. S., by 

E. W. Farnsworth, 10 00 

Windham Co., A. S. S., on account 
of 100 pledge by C. C. Bur- 
leigh, 6 00 

Waterbury, A. S. S., by S. Cook, 5 10 

Albany, N. Y., A Young Lady, 

avails of work, by O. Allen, 2 00 

Auburn, N. Y.,A.S. S., by Chs. 

12 00 

Cooperstown, N. Y., Mrs. H. 


Oswego, N. Y., from E. W. Clark 
and Chs. Stuart, for circula- 
tion of publications, 32 00 
Sherburne, N. Y., A. S. S., by Rev. 

I. N. Sprague, 15 00 

Sherburne, N. Y., Ladies' A. S. S., 

by the same, 8 00 

New-York City, Henry Green, 5 00 
Orville, Pa., Rev. H. West, 50 

Pittsburg, Pa., Samuel Church, 

by A. Tappan, 20 00 

York, Pa., Wm. Goodridge, 5 00 

Austinburg, O., Monthly Concert, 5 00 
Cincinnati, " A. S. S., with 
pledge to increase to 150, 
by Wm. Donaldson, 55 00 

East Hampton, Mass , Samuel 

Williston, 100 00 

Sandwich, N. H., Gen. Daniel 

Hoit, 100 00 

Portland, Me., Female A. S. S., 

by E. M. Dow, 100 00 

$890 35 
John Rankin, Treasurer, 

No. 8 Cedar St. 

Monthly Collections received by the 
Publishing Agent, from Sept. 1, to 
Oct. 1, 1835. 
Albion, N. Y., J. Wasson, $1 25 

Butler Co., 0. ; by Wm. Griffith. 5 00 
Catskill, N. Y., Robt. Jackson, 5 00 
Carlisle, Pa., by Miss M. Knox, 5 00 
Darien, Ct., by S. M. Raymond, 1 37 
Farmington, N. Y., by Wm. R. 

Smith, 6 00 

Mt. Vernon, 0., by W. W. Beebe, 5 00 

New-York, a Friend, 37 

" " T. L. Jennings, 50 

Norwich City, Ct., Mrs. F. A. 

Perkins, 2 00 

Norwalk, Ct., George Low, 1 25 

Oneida Institute, by W. I. Savage, 9 25 
Philadelphia, Ladies' A. A. S., by 

Mrs. L. Mott, 10 00 

Rochester, N. Y., by W. W. Reid, 21 25 
West Greenville, Pa., J. Nesbit, 

Esq., 3 00 

Ware, Mass., a Friend, 13 

Windham, O., by Rev. Wm. Han- 
ford, 10 00 
Received for Books, Pamphlets, 

&c, 380 22 

Received for Emancipator, 172 87 

" " Human Rights, 77 78 

" " Quarterly Magazine, 21 00 

$738 24 
R. G. Williams, 
Publishing Agent, 144 Nassau St. 
Total Receipts, $1028 59 



VOL. I. DECEMBER, 1835. [First Edition.] NO. 12. 

[See page 136. 


We have heard of the horrible condition of the slaves in the British 
West Indies ; it was brought out in evidence before the British Par- 
liament — the testimony of both sides was taken, and there is no room 
to question the most constant and monstrous cruelty. But it is sup- 
posed that American slaves fare far better. To some extent this is 
doubtless true. Where the slaves are few, and labor is done by whites 
and cattle, as well as by slaves, it is obvious that oppression cannot 
be so grinding as where the whole cultivation is conducted by large 
slave-gangs under overseers and drivers. But in a large part of the 
southern country the cultivation is so conducted, and if we hear less 
of the cruelty of the system, it must be rather because we lack the 
power of bringing out the evidence, than because it does not exist. Man 
is the same every where ; and like causes must produce like effects. 

But we are not without evidence that must satisfy every candid mind. 
In the first and second numbers of the monthly Emancipator are letters 
from persons residing at the south, who state what they saw and heard, 
to which we would again call the attention of our readers. The letters 
of Mr. Asa A. Stone are especially worthy of a careful reperusal. He 


has closed his earthly testimony, and has left behind him a sweet and 
precious memory. He died at Cincinnati, on the 23d of August last, 
and departing in the triumph of a clear faith, blotted not a line of what 
he had written in behalf of the poor slaves. An obituary notice in the 
Cincinnati Journal says of him, " As a student and scholar, he was 
patient, critical, accurate and indefatigable. As a man and a Christian, 
he was upright and conscientious, zealous and faithful in the discharge 
of duty, bold and independent in his bearing, mild and courteous in his 
manners, liberal and charitable in his feelings towards others." His 
letters on the treatment of slaves at the south-west, bear evident marks 
of great caution and care in the collection of facts ; and great jealousy 
of too hasty conclusions. A citizen of Natchez who has written to 
the editors of the Journal of Commerce, expressly to counteract the in- 
fluence of these letters, does not pretend to deny the facts. We give 
here an extract of the first letter in the hope that the whole, with other 
documents, will soon be published in a pamphlet form. 


"A respectable plantation will have about five hundred acres in cotton, 
and about one hundred and fifty in corn. On this there will be about 
fifty or sixty field hands, besides house-servants, worn out and crippled 
adults and children ; these will make up the whole number to about 
one hundred ; though this varies exceedingly, the number of old men 
and children depending very much upon the treatment they receive. 
The number of children on a plantation is a very good criterion by 
which to judge of the usage the slaves receive. Where you find few 
children you may expect to find many horrors. In a gang of fifty or 
sixty hands there will be a leader of the ploughers, a leader of the hoers, 
and a driver. The business of the leaders is to go forward, direct the 
work, and set an example of industry : of course they are chosen from 
the most active and trustworthy of the gang. In the leader of the 
hoers, the principal qualification is speed. The business of the driver 
is to walk about, crack his whip, and cry 'work, boys' — 'work, gals' 
— ' draw your hoes, draw your hoes ;' and if his own disposition or 
that of the overseer requires it, occasionally to give one a switching, 
or a regular whipping, as the case may be. A switching, is when a 
man is called up and receives fifteen or twenty lashes, standing, with 
his clothes on : a regular whipping, is when a man is put down and 
receives from thirty to two hundred on his bare back. The severity 
of the labor depends very much upon the season of the year and the 
nature of the work. The worst parts of the year are from the first of 
May to the first of July, during hoeing, and from the middle of Sep- 
tember to the middle of December, during picking. I can give you no 
idea of the severity of the labor by stating the quantity of ground hoed, 
or the amount of cotton picked in a day. The only method I can think 
of is to describe the measures that are adopted to make them work. 
I will do this by stating facts, all of which I have derived from personal 
observation, or from the mouths of owners and overseers. A few days 
ago I was talking with an overseer of a plantation, the owner of which 
has universally the reputation of being a good master and treating his 



slaves unusually well in every respect. The slaves themselves testify 
to this, and they say that the overseer is not as hard as most of them 
are. This overseer, speaking of the work on the place, said, 'It was a 
little behind, but he was pushing the hands to it.' Says he — ' I crowded 
them up to-day till some of the women fairly cried.' And then added, 
* it is pretty severe.' Meaning, not that it was severe compared with the 
general usage, but in itself considered — for he always represents him- 
self as not being as severe as most overseers. This same man, and many 
other overseers and owners, have told me that throughout the country, 
on plantations having fifty hands, the number of floggings during the 
press of hoeing and cotton picking, average one or two a day, and fre- 
quently fifteen or twenty are flogged at once, particularly in the time 
of cotton picking. My observations and inquiries on this subject have 
been such, that I feel no hesitation in saying that as a general thing 
there is at least the above number of floggings daily on plantations of 
that size, and this barely on the score of work. I ask, then, does this 
look like not being 'over-driven?' But to go more into particulars : 

Mr. -, a planter who resides about fourteen miles above Natchez, 

says, 'They generally treat their slaves very well in his neighborhood.' 
Hear how. ' On a plantation of fifty hands, it is common in cotton 
picking time to have a negro whipped every night, and frequently two 
or three, for not doing the required amount of work. I have myself 
whipped fouv f ;n or fifteen of a night, or, rather, had my driver do it. 
They always lie down and receive it on their bare back and buttock. 
If they are uneasy they are sometimes tied ; the hands and feet being 
stretched out and tied each to a stake, driven for that purpose. But 
they are usually held by other negroes. In a bad case one takes hold 
of each hand and each foot, and another holds or sits on his head. If 
they don't hold him well, give them a cut or two with the whip, and I 
warrant you they will hold him still enough, if they have to take their 
teeth.' So much for the testimony of a planter with respect to the 
driving of slaves in a neighborhood where they are ' very well treated.' " 


" The general rule of feeding, is to give just what will supply the 
demands of nature and no more. Slaves are almost universally allow- 
anced. Their rations are usually a peck of meal and three or three 
and a half pounds of meat a week. This is dealt out on some planta- 
tions weekly, and on others daily ; which is the more common practice' 
I am not able to say. Some add a half pint or a pint of molasses a 
week. As a general thing, the bread stuff is given them ground, and 
not whole, as has been sometimes represented. On most plantations 
there is a cook who prepares their breakfast and dinner, which are 
always eaten in the field. Their suppers they prepare for themselves, 
after they return from work. Some allowance them only in meat, giv- 
ing what meal they want ; the general rule, however, is a peck of meal 
and three pounds of meat a week. This allowance is frequently very 
much shortened, when corn or meat are scarce or high. So that on 
almost every plantation the hands suffer more or less from hunger at 
some season of almost every year. I have conversed with some very 


candid slaves on this subject ; and they say that they can do very well 
on a peck of meal and three and a half pounds of meat a week, except 
in the winter, when their appetites are keener and crave particularly 
more meat. This accords with universal experience. The appetite 
is always keener, particularly for flesh, in cold weather than in hot. 
They say, moreover, that they by no means always get their full allow- 
ance, and that they often suffer much from hunger. The truth of this 
i could establish by a multitude of facts from various sources. But 
aside from the occasional under-feeding that takes place on most planta- 
tions, there are many who are notorious as over-drivers and under- 
feeders, and are talked about as such : so that if the northern folks 
deny that this is often the case, they deny what their better informed 
neighbors at the south openly talk about as notorious. Why, a few 
days ago I heard a planter and his wife talking about the health of a 
neighboring plantation. The lady entertained the opinion that it was 
sickly, and as evidence mentioned the large number of negroes that 
died during last summer. The gentleman replied, that 'it was no 
wonder, the owner starved them so much. His principle was, if he had 
not corn enough, to make it last. 7 And this I know to be a principle 
very extensively acted upon. Here I would remark, that such facts as 
these are constantly coining to light in multitudes, from the everyday 
conversation of planters. In Louisiana, the treatment of slaves, in 
almost all respects, is doubtless worse than in any other part of the 
United States. There, short feeding is very common. And it is true, 
that among the old French planters the corn, instead of being ground, 
is given out in the car, and the slaves left to dispose of it as they can. 
They are also in many cases allowed no meat ; but have Saturday 
afternoon for fishing, &c, when the work is not too crowding to forbid 
it. This, however, is very common ; and then — yes, and then ' what 
must poor nigger do?' I will mention a fact to illustrate this statement. 
It was told me by the captain of a boat with whom I am well acquainted, 
and whom I know to be a man of genuine integrity. He was passing 
down the Mississippi with a flat-boat load of pork. As he was floating 
along the levee near the shore, between Baton Rouge and New-Orleans, 
he saw a negro whoso emaciated countenance and downcast look at- 
tracted his attention. He hailed him, and entered into conversation 
with him. Among other things he asked him where he was from. 
1 Oh master,' says he, ' thank God, from good old Kentucky.' * Had 
you rather live in Kentucky than here ?' — ' Oh yes, master, there I had 
plenty to eat, but here I am most starved. I have not tasted meat for 
months.' By this time several others had made their appearance, who 
joined the first in his testimony about starvation. The captain now 
commenced throwing out a few joints and other bits of not much account, 
for their relief. On seeing this, several others ran down from the neigh- 
boring quarters to share the spoils. But scarce had they reached the 
levee when a white man appeared also, raving and swearing most furi- 
ously, and seizing a club about the size and length of a common hoop- 
pole, he commenced mauling them over the head with all his might. 
Two or three he knocked down on the spot, and others escaped severely 
wounded. It is not from such isolated facts as these that I draw my 


conclusions respecting the commonness of bad feeding: I mention this 
to give a specimen of the nature and extent of the suffering. It is from 
other data that I judge of its prevalence." 


Every day makes the experience of the West Indies a stronger argu- 
ment for immediate unconditional emancipation, Antigua, with a popu- 
lation of 2,000 whites, made her 30,000 slaves free at once, and all is 
going on well. Jamaica and other colonies changed the name of slavery 
to apprenticeship, but the horrors and dangers of slavery still remain, — 
perhaps we might say they are increased. The " Abolitionist," pub- 
lished under the direction of the "British and Foreign Society for the 
Universal Abolition of Negro Slavery and the Slave Trade," thus 
compares the two modes of abolition : 

"In Antigua, the negroes are free, 'without restriction and without 
condition.' In Jamaica, they are subject to restrictions and conditions, 
under the name of apprenticeship, which leave them still in bondage. 
In Antigua, the symbols of slavery have for ever disappeared: — in Ja- 
maica, the cat and the bilboes, the iron neck-collar and chains, the 
ebony switch and the dungeon, are still in requisition. In Antigua, 
every married negro and parent can call his wife and family his own : — 
in Jamaica, he cannot ; he must purchase them to enjoy that satisfaction, 
with the exception only of such children as are under six years of age. 
In Antigua, the negro has free access to his family, and can enjoy unre- 
stricted intercourse with them ; in Jamaica, he is declared a vagabond 
if he seeks their society on an adjoining plantation, without first obtain- 
ing leave. In Antigua, wa^es have been substituted for the whip, and 
the negro enjoys the fruit of his labor ; in Jamaica, a system of rigorous 
coercion still exists, and he is defrauded of the just reward of his toil. 
In Antigua, the negro is free, contented and happy; in Jamaica, he is 
enslaved, disappointed and miserable. In Antigua, peace and pros- 
perity abound ; in Jamaica, discontent and complaining prevail, and 
will continue to prevail, while a vestige of the old system or theory 

The following is extracted from a letter written by a clergyman in 
Antigua to a nobleman in England, dated Feb. 14, 1835. More recent 
intelligence fully accords with this : 

" You will, I am sure, be curious to hear something of the real state 
in which I found Antigua, after the extraordinary revolution that has 
taken place in my absence ; whether in fact I do not see the negroes 
lying by the roadside basking in the sun, or collecting every where, 
there under a tamarind or sandbox tree in gossiping groups, or lurk- 
ing in the thievish corners, whilst the canes are uncut in the fields, and 
every mill is still, every boiling-house shut up, and not a single column of 
smoke is to be seen — such are the results which the croakers predicted. 

"• But what are the facts ? On first approaching the island, I find 
the harb.,1 *£ fall of ships as ever ; on landing, I find the people of the 



town full of business ; on passing through an estate, I find the work 
going on as if nothing extraordinary had oceurred. 

" In the social mass, a feeling approaching more to mutual confidence 
and good- will, and indicative of a greater regard for the claims of all, 
not only for the prosperity of a few ; I find too that those who were 
accustomed to work at the absolute bidding of another, can now stipu- 
late for an equitable reward of their labors, and that when they are not 
satisfied on that score, they can now refuse to work. 

"It is not true that they will not work; they are willing enough to 
work, but as is natural and but right, they are anxious to procure equi- 
table terms, or what appear to them to be such. 

"As to disturbances, there has been nothing like it since the celebrated 
1st of August, but the island has been more quiet than even at other 

Sadly different is the state of things in Jamaica and the other appren- 
ticeship colonies. Even the stipendiary magistrates who were designed 
to be protectors of the slave, have generally lent themselves to the 
planters as agents of oppression. In Jamaica, some who retained a 
good cons, ience have resigned their commissions in disgust The 
British Anti-Slavery societies have published a very strong memorial to 
the Colonial Secretary, in. which they avow their determination to advo- 
cate t!ii> abolition of tli" apprenticeship syst.-m. The appendix to this 
document contains a mass of < videncc Bbowing the most horrible cruelty 
on the part of the masters, and abominable injustice on the pari of the 
stipendiary magistrates. A letter from Dominica, dated May 23d, 1835, 
says: "The stipendiary magistrate, who arrives here from England, 
finding that lie in at liberty to pursue tic conduct he pleases, immedi- 
ately turns his thoughts upon Baving as much of his salary a. he can. 
Reei iving on his arrival cards of invitation, and offers of kind hospital- 
ity, here and there from our great proprietors, he becomes so affiliated 
with them, as renders it impossible for him to do impartial justice 
between them and their apprentices ; and thus the man, before he enters 
upon the duties ot* his office, i- rendered lik« ly not only to act unfairly, 
hut to become oppressive to those whom 1m- should protect.'' Under 
such protectors of the tnprenHet$ % the most horrible acts of cruelty are 
"daily perpetrated. 91 Tne following specimens are from a letter dated 
Jamaica, June 26th, 1835. 

"1 alluded briefly, in a firmer Letter, to a case of a man and woman 
being chained together, since then I have obtained the particulars. 

As I conjectured, .Mr. was the magistrate who passed the sentence. 

The woman's name is Priscilla Taylor, married, apprentice to Mr. 

, of , in St. Andrews. She had been ordered on Friday to no 

for water to some distance ; her master said she took too Ion si; to go for 
it; in the evening he caused her to Ik- put in the dungeon, and kept her 
there all Saturday, her own day. On Monday she went to the special 
magistrate to complain ; he gave her a letter; on her way home she 
lost the letter and returned to him; he gave her another letter, — she 
then returned home. Next day he visited the property and ordered her 
(Priscilla) to be chained to a man, and to be worked in the held in such 
manner. They afterwards escaped, and with collars and chains on 


presented themselves before special justice Clinch, of Spanish Town, 
(since deceased). He sent them to the workhouse, where they remained 
two weeks, all but two days ; they were then taken back by their master, 
and were again ordered to be chained together and sent to the field. Pris- 
cilla declared she would not be chained to the man again, — she resisted 
—was then put in the dark hole and kept there till Friday, (from 
Wednesday) when she was again taken out by Mr. Brown, and per- 
sonal violence resorted to in order to chain her to the man. Her resist- 
ance and struggles, together with her excited feelings, at length brought 
on alarming hysterical convulsions. She was then carried back to the 
dungeon with the chain and collar on her neck, r».*ere she was kept 
locked up, although she is the mother of an infant seventeen months 
old, which was not weaned when she was first put in chains." 

"Two weeks ago, two women presented themselves before me, (one 
with an iron collar on her neck) from Trafalgar, in St. George's, the 
property of a merchant of London, about twenty miles from my resi- 
dence. The substance of their complaint (on oath) was as follows : 
Milley Thomas, with a child at the breast, had been kept in chains and 
collar, two weeks, for the following offence: — On the 1st of August the 
nurse in the field was taken away; mothers with infants compelled to 
work with children tied to their backs all day ; did so about six months ; 
found it very distressing, particularly in the steep fields. In February 
or March, last, applied to Mr. Simpson, the attorney, to let them have 
a nurse ; he said they must pay for it with extra labor, as the children 
were free. An old woman was put as nurse, and the six children's 
mothers compelled to work every Sunday as payment, cutting grass, 
and any other employment about the works. Milley missed paying 
two Sundays ; on one was sick ; on the other had to carry provisions 
to her sick brother, twelve miles off! The overseer took her before 
the special magistrate at Buff Bay ; charged her with disobedience of 
orders in not cutting grass on the two Sundays. No sentence was 

Eassed in her presence ; but on returning home, the overseer said he 
ad orders from the magistrate to work her in chains and collar for 
two weeks." 

" At the Court of the Special Justices, Basseterre, St. Christopher's, 
Thursday, 12th February, 1835. 

" Case of Ann Malum, a non-prozdial apprentice. 

" This case arose out of the general permission given by one of the 
stipendiary magistrates to flog the small gangs on the estates, when 
their conduct might be deemed, by those in authority over them, to be 
impertinent, leaving it to the discretion of those individuals to decide 
what conduct should be considered as impertinent. 

" It was proved before the Court, that Ann Mahon, who was about 
fifteen years of age, was employed with another female apprentice in 
watering the garden, when the manager, on some pretence or other, 
sent the latter away, and then began to use language and actions which 
cannot be repeated here ; this conduct being resented by the girl, the 
manager immediately accused her of not carrying water fast enough, 
r nd sent for the constable and ordered him to do his duty ; whereupon 
he seized the girl round the waist, and calling upon two male appren- 


tices to assist him, she was taken to the mango-tree; the two assistants 
then held her to the tree, by eaeh taking a hand, whilst the constable, 
after unbuttoning her frock and taking off her handkerchief, placed 
himself behind her, and proceeded to liog her with a bunch of tamarind 
whips. After the punishment was completed, she was made to work 
in the garden till it was dark. When she said she would complain, 
she was told she might complain to whom she pleased, for the magis- 
trate had given leave to flog the juvenile people, if they were impudent. 
It appeared on this inquiry, that the girl on a former occasion had rc- 
! the criminal advances of the overseer, for which she was taken 
before the stipendiary magistrate already alluded to, and charged with 
being rude, who thereupon ordered her to be imprisoned for a week. 

u The constable and his assistants seemed to think they were acting 
legally in inflicting the flogging, as they had the stipendiary magistrate's 
general permission to flog the small gangs on the estates within his 
district, at tli ir discretion. 

' ; The stipendiary magistrate was fined 51. by the Court, but he still 
retains his commii 

\ j 1 1 yet, under all these provocations, the n ' sufferers! 

Who, after this, will t;ilk about / for firetdom? — about the 

danger of the a) ulting their root*, if cmancipa! 

[From tlie Salem L 



B. No ! it will never do. I have read them all, from the Abbe Etay- 
nal down to the last proser about the horrors of slavery in the British 
Parliament There is no horror about it Theyar< than 

in their own country. r rhey would be shot or hung al hotne if they 

nothing to h ai .iter they 

are taken prison* rs? What do you say to that ! 

. .. Why, I certainly ing of lives. But do you think 

you confer a bl ider all circumstances 7 

P>. Yes,l 

.?. So thou Jit not one of the mo tent of men. Shall I read 

you a short extract fi; I l my hand ? 

/•'. i am r a ly to hear, but I hope it is short 

.7. I promise you thai yon will not think it long if I read an hour. 
(./. r iads.) 

" Thus legro Kin » Quodpc He f [1 fighting for his wife and 

child would ha not a negro, he would have been a thing 

for which language has no name — for which neither human nor brute 
has a parallel — if he had not fought u* Why the very 

wildcat, the wolf, will spring at the throat of the hunter that enters his 
d^n; the bear, the catamount, will fight for his hollow tree! The n 
n — a de human creature — 

* This sentiment is the orator's, not ours. — Ed. Rec. 


and he had the feelings of a man ; for Leo Africanus says of him — ' It 
must needs have been bitter as death to him to lose his wife and only 
son — for the negroes are marvellously fond and affectionate toward their 
children.' And what was the fate of GLuodpe's wife and his son ? This 
is a tale for husbands and wives, for parents and children. Young 
men and women, you cannot understand it ! What w T as the fate of 
Gluodpc's wife and child ? They did not surely hang them. No, that 
would have been mercy. The boy is the grandson, his mother the 
daughter-in law of good, old Gtuorra, the first and best friend the white 
men ever had in Congo. Perhaps, now Ctuodpe is dead, and his war- 
riors scattered to the four winds, they will allow his wife and son to go 
back — the widow and the orphan — to finish their days and sorrows in 
their native wilderness. They were sold into slavery; American slavery! 
A negro princess and her child, sold from the balmy gales of Mount 
Houssa, from the wild freedom of an African valley, to gasp under the 
lash amid the dank and pestilential vapors of the rice-swamps of Caro- 
lina! bitter as death! AYE, BITTER AS HELL! Is there 
any thing — I do not say in the range of humanity — is there any tiring 
animated, is there a dumb beast, a thing of earth or of air, the lowest 

,n the creation" 

B. Stop, stop ! Spare me. a farther doge of this rigmarole ! Torrents 
cf just such fustian declamation as this have been poured out by your 
pseudo- philanthropists, in all ages, ovor the necessary incidents of a use- 
ful practice in society. But pray, my friend, who may have been tho 
Fpouter cf this precious Jeremiad over the sufferings of a negro weach, 
me very important wii« of the chief of a kraal of Guinea negroes ? 

A. liave patience a moment, and I will give you the name of the 
orator. But surely you do not pretend to be insensible to the touching 
pathos and beauty of— 

B. Nonsense ! pathos and beauty in a description of the capture of 
a negro woman and her boy ! If your orator ever soared at all, he is 
compelled to crawl upon the ground by the innate vulgarity of his sub- 
ject Who ever heard such poor thoughts in such mean language ? 
The subject utterly rejects every thing romantic and sentimental. 

A. Well, I admit that there is more of reality than of romance in the 
feelings which ought to be excited by the eloquent passage I began 
reading to you. But I recollect you were yesterday giving me an ac- 
count of the late commemoration of the Battle of Bloody Brook, and of 
the breathless delight with which you and all who heard him, listened 
to the oration of " the young man eloquent" on that occasion ; do you 
remember any passage in that oration at all resembling the 

B. Really, my friend, you will exhaust my patience. Did I tell you 
that Mr. Everett said a single word about negroes ? Sir, the topics of 
that discourse had an elevation, and the manner of treating them a 
beauty and dignity, which aie insulted by your question. Even the 
names of the persons, places, mountains, rivers, were fresh from the 
mint of exquisite taste, and pictured before the eyes the heart-stirring 
scenes of our early history. How different from your doleful story in 
all these respects ! your names, too — that of your hero, for instance, 
Quodpe — " Phoebus, what a name !" 


A. Well, I have no great liking for the name myself. Let us just 
countermarch the syllables of that word, and see how it will look. 
There, now it is Pequod ! How do you like that, my friend ? 

B. Pequod ! why — as to that — aha ! I see what you are after. To 
be sure, he did say something about those warlike and noble-minded 
"men of the woods ;" and also a very beautiful account there was of 
their next neighbor, the ill-tn ated King of th .-ansetts. 

A. Indeed ! and if Philip had been Eking of the Pequods, that name 
would have sounded well enough, would it, in M tt's oration? 

B. No doubt it would. The sufFerm g of those interesting Bonsofthe 
forest, form a noble subject for poetry and eloquence; mid th; 1 Dames 
of our Indian tribes have a romantic and historical sound, which dwells 
with delight upon the ear. 

A. Well, TOUT distinction is a notable one indeed! It seems that if 
Kins Philip had bet d named King Q uodpe J or bad even 1>< en King of 
tii j Gtuodpes, the eloquence of this silver-tongued Bpeaker would have 
disgusted your fastidious taste, and his thrilling appeal for sympathy in 
this chieftian's Bunerings, and in the diabolical act of belling bis wife 
and noble boy into slavery — a fate which yon will recollect was branded 
as "bitter as nr.i.i.." in a torn- of indignant feeling which might al- 

h'. know there Ls a dhTcicnse be what you 

Lave re. ad a! id 

:.:.-! I x ,..,'_,,; angea few names, toe 

scenery of Africa for that ofRho le [aland, and what 1 have read to 

be very words hud Ei brje it, which you bo much admired ! 

the diflfei -. i mighty difference in the two cases, which mi 
all the changi in \ delight and o isthein- 

iportant syllables! A still unaffected by 

what 1 ha 

B. Unaffected I ncipL a — I am 
t-i I)- cheat id out of my contempt for fanaticism in this way— 

And thus ].. last Uwrd) and bo gained 

the victory. 

[From the Liberator.] 


"Will not a voice come thundering over the billows ■ — 
Base hypocrites! It you charitj tu — look at your own 

Carolinas — £0, pour the balm i broken hearts of 

your two millions of enslaved children — rebuke the murderers of V\ 
i with the felons of Charleston — n Btore the contents of j 
^ — •. al th • lac srations, still fest rina on the backs of your 
: citizens — !is£ Ive the star chamber inia— I !! th < on£ de- 

ins of Alabama and Mississippi to disband — call to judg- 


inent the barbarians of Baltimore, and Philadelphia, and New-York, 
and Concord, and Haverhill, and Lynn, and Montpelier ; and the well 
drest mobocrats of Ulica, and Salem, and BOSTON. Before you rail 
at arbitrary power in foreign regions, save your own citizens from the 
felonious interception of their correspondence ; and teach the sworn 
and paid servants of the Republic, the obligations of an oath, and the 
guarantied rights of a free people. Send not your banners to Poland, 
but tear them ink shreds to be distributed to the mob, as halters for 
your sons. When, next July, you rail at mitres, and crosiers, and 
sceptres ; and denounce the bowstring, and the bayonet, and the faggot, 
let your halls be decorated with platted scourges, wet with the blood of 
the sons of the Pilgrims — let the tar cauldron smoke — the gibbet rear 
aloft its head — and cats and blood-hounds, (the brute auxiliaries of 
Southern Liberty-men) howl and bark in unison with the demoniacal 
raving of a * genii jnuuily mob' — while above the Orator of the day, 
and beneath the striped and .starry banner, stand forth in c-'iaracters of 
blood, the distinctive mottoes of the age : 





Before you weep over the wrongs of Greece, go wash the gore out of 
national shambles — appease the frantic mother robbed of her only 
child, the tentre of her hopes, and joys, and sympathies — restore to yon 
desolate husband the wire of his bosom — abolish the slave marts of 
Alexandria, — the human flesh auctions of Richmond and New-Orleans 
— ' undo the heavy burdens,' ' break every yoke,' and stand forth to the 
gaze of the world — not steeped in infamy and rank with blood, but in 
the posture of penitence and prayer, a FREE and REGENERATED 


The following striking anecdote is found in the Journal of a traveler. 
In relating it, we do not justify the slave. We leave that to those who 
arc ready to fight 'or their own liberty, while they are willing to with- 
hold liberty from others. 

" In the afternoon I passed by a field in which several poor slaves 
had been executed, on the charge of having an intention to rise against 
their masters. A lawyer who was present at their trials at Richmond, 
informed me, that one of them being asked what he had to say to (he 
court, in his defence, he replied in a manly tone of voice: "I have 
nothing more to offer than what General Washington would have had 
to offer, had he been taken by the British, and put to trial by them. I 
have adventured my life in endeavoring to obtain the liberty of my 
countrymen, and am a willing sacrifice in their cause ; and I beg, as a 
favor, that I may be immediately led to execution. I know that you 
have predetermined to shed my blood : why then all this mockery of a 
trial V'—SulcUff's Travels. 




Eternal Nature ! when thy giant hand 
Had heaved the floods, and fixed the trembling land, 
When life sprang startling at thy plastic call, 
Endless her forms, and man the lord of all; 
Say, was the lordly form inspired by thro 
To wear eternal chains and bow the kie 
Was man ordained the slave of man to toil, 
Yoked with the brut<s and fettered to the soil; 
Weighed in a tyrant's balance with his gold ! 
No! — Nature stamped us in a heavenly mould j 
She bad'- DO wretch his thankless labor Urge, 

Nor, trembling take the pittance and the scourge! 
No hom< less Libyan, on the itorray deep, 

To call upon bifl country's name and u ■ ep! — Campbell. 

iu:< i:if»Ts 

Into the T 

Ant l- - 8 'Cicty, from I. 1 '.. 

to Nov. |A, 1- 

BostODi M i 

A. s.<.. ! . Mr. S v ard, $200 00 

44 v - J. s. Witbington, 
per s. J. May, 

14 " ' Aim Clia] 
per S. J. May, 

J. S. Kimba 
S. J. 

C. C. Bu 
8. .1. May, 

i. \. S. 

P.iin ■• 
p. r S, .1 

Fall River, Mass., Abrm. B 

M N i 


M N 

10 00 
35 00 


Providence, It. I , A. S. Society, 

South l : ;ui.'. . I .'.[<.. EL >. 

South Parma, bona., A Friend, 
Goshen, N. J . I » - I 
Lausinburgh, v\ . BJ jan J 
Mount ft i, j U0 

Oneida Institute, NY. 


Perry, N. V., B. F. Too, nix, on 
account of G< nesee Co., 

Skaneateles, N. Y*> J&S' C. Ful- 

Troy, N. Y., G. Grant, 

44 A. S. Society, per 
Win. Yates, 

Utica, N. Y., from 44 Frien 

New-York City, Abrm. Bokee, 
44 44 Young Men's A. 

S. Society, per II. F. Brayton, 00 00 

too 00 

m no 

1 06 

10 00 

10 00 
40 00 

150 00 
5 00 

5 CO 

a Fi:< nd, 
I ] 
n ill, Pa., a. M 
,, A. S. S 

• A. 8. So- 

1 ty, 

i oo 
1 00 

a oo 

100 00 

I 00 

1 80 


R AN KIN. 'i 

\td by the 
t. 1 , to 

. I 
B . v 1 . i B. a. M irah, $13 07 

5 00 

. - . : 

1 M 


K •• S. S. Wells, 

•• A. R ckwell, 

. N. V ., ■■■) \V. J. 

• i : ' 

II, 7 25 

. VY...K 


;ved for Emancipator, 
" M Hum in Rights, 

h m Quart* 


12 (Ml 
7 00 

1 50 

10 37 

11 50 

312 06 

5a 67 

116 00 

$660 W 
H. G. Willi . 

Publishing Aget,;. 1 - ' 

Total Receipts, $la54 54 



The following pages contain the matter found on the covers of the 
several numbers of the Record, as they appeared. We preface them 
with some of the interesting events of the year 1835. 

January 14th. — Formation, at Boston, of the " American Union for 
the Relief and Improvement of the Colored Race." It declared sla- 
very wrong, but not siafid, published an address, and sat down to 
enjoy its neutrality. 

February 2d. — Hon. John Dickson, of New- York, made a speech 
in Congress, on slavery in the District of Columbia, on a motion to 
refer petitions for its abolition to a select committee. The motion was 
defeated by a vote to lay the petitions on the table, of 117 to 77. 

20th. — A cargo of seventy-eight slaves bound from the District of 
Columbia to Charleston, S. C, being driven to Bermuda, were set at 
liberty by the British authorities. 

March 19th. — State Anti-Slavery Society of Kentucky formed at 
Danville. This society consisted of about forty members, of whom 
several had emancipated their slaves. They have since been pre- 
vented by violence from the establishment of a press. 

April 22d. — Ohio State Convention at Putman. A society was or- 
ganized. The proceedings of this Convention, embodied in a pamphlet, 
form one of the most important documents. 

Anti-Slavery Conventions in this month, in Oneida county, N. Y., 
Cumberland county, Me., £cc. 

May 12th. — Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, sig- 
nalized by the speeches of Birney, Thompson, &c, and the subscription 
of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars to the Society's funds. 

25th. — New-England Anti-Slavery Convention in Boston, — very in- 
teresting. Subscription of six thousand dollars. 

26th. — Discussion on Slavery in the Presbyterian General Assembly. 
Last year only two abolitionists in that body ; this year forty-eight. 

June 2d and 3d. — Interesting meetings of the Pittsburg Anti-Slavery 
Society. Speeches from Beman, Dickey, Rankin, and others. 

4th. — Anniversary of the New-Hampshire Anti-Slavery Society. 
The Report a most valuable historical document. 

10th. — Port Cresson, Liberia, destroyed by King Joe Harris. 

16th. — Circular issued by the American Anti-Slavery Society, an- 
nouncing a change and enlargement of its plan of publications, to com- 
mence on the first of July. 

July 4th. — On this day, the slaves in several counties of Mississippi 
were to have risen and murdered their masters. The plot is said to 
have been discovered about two weeks before by a faithful negro. In 


consequence, on the sixth of July, twenty-six persons, two of them 
white, were hung without trial. 

5th. — Five men were hung in the public square by a mob at Vicks- 
burg, Mi., on a charge of being gamblers. 

15th. — "Kentucky Union, for the moral and religious improvement 
of the colored race," formed on neutral ground, 

20th. — Meeting of Southerners in Tammany-Hall, N. Y. The Sec- 
retary of the American Anti-Slavery Society turned out of doors, for 
taking notes. 

25th. — Amos Dresser flogged twenty lashes on the bare back, at 
Nashville, for being a member of the Anti-Slavery Society, and having 
in his possession Anti-Slavery publication*. 

30th. — The citizens of ( 'liai irstmi, S. C, broke open the United 
States Tost Office, seized one thousand Anti-Slavery publications, and 
burned them in the streets, und< r the effimes of Tappan, Garrison, and 

Cox, before a concourse of three thousand respectable spectators. 

August 3d — Public Meeting in the city-Hall, Charleston. Com- 
mittee of twenty-one appointed to take dfarga of the United States 
Mail, Ike. 

4tb. — Greet meeting in the Capitol, Richmond, Va., to devise meas- 
ures to put down tin- abolitionisf>, \c. 

10th. — Canaan Academy, N« I L, drawn off by a mob, for the crime 
of admitting colored youth. 

11th. — Dr. Reuben CrandaU thrown into prison at Washington, D. 

C, for having in bJS trunk Anti-Slavery papers. 

•Ji-t. — Great Anti-Ahohtion meetmgin PaneuU-HaD, Boston. 

82d — Letter from the Postmaster-Genera] to the Postmaster of 
New- York city, (s. I.. 1 rovemeur.) 

27th. — Great Ann- Abolition meeting in the Park. New- York Anti- 
Abolition meetingp become the order of the day, in all onr northern 

cities and towns. The s.mth satisfied <>nly with that at Philadelphia* 

September 3d. — Address to the public by the American Anti- 
Slavery Society. 

20th. — Call of the I'tica Convention, — four hundred and thirty names 

October 21. — New- York State Anti-Slavery Society formed at 
Ctiea. Convention dispersed by a moh. Society convenes at Peter- 
boro, at the invitation of Gerrit Smith, Ks<p, who subsequently becomes 

a member. 

On the same day a moh in Bos t o n disperses a meeting of the Boston 
Female Anti-Slavery Society, draus Mr. Garrison through the streets, 
who is rescued with difficulty, and lodged in JAIL for Sat! 

On the same week mobs at Salem, Ma>s., and Alontpelier, Vt. 

November. McDumVs message to the legislature of South Caro- 
lina. Bellinger's speech published, &c Mr. Thompson leaves America. 

December. — An unconstitutional attack upon the right of abolition- 
ists to use the United States Mail, recommended in the President's 


During the year important works have been published, — Jay's In- 
quiry — Sunderland's Testimony of God against Slavery — Wayland's 
Elements of Moral Scienee — Channing on Slavery, &,c. 

Anti-Slavery Societies have increased from one hundred and fifty to 
three hundred and fifty. 

(an extract.) 
CASE. — To reduce a wrong thing to a right one. 
RULE. — Multiply the individual wrong by tlwt number of individ- 
uals which it takes to make a government or nation. The product will 
be a general expediency, which, of course, cannot be wrong. Then di- 
vide this product by the same number, and the quotient will be the rigfit 

EXAMPLE. — Given " Slavery a moral evil" to reduce it to the 
" right of property." 

OPERATION.— *fl theft of the human soul and fcotfy.— Multiplicand. 
Total number of Slaveholders. — Multiplier. 

c, if." ? Jin expediency or " moral necessity." , „. lA » 

Slaveholders, s r • , • #• i \ Ri a ht of 

' Law asramst emancipation. &-c. 1 ° y 

* r ' ^ ( property, 


NOTE. — The above rule may be conveniently stated in an Algebraic 

Theft X Popular will 

formula, thus = Right of property. 

The People. 

Which may be thus translated into common language — 

Man- stealing, sanctified by public sentiment, and divided among the 

people, constitutes the right of property in man. 

"In order to determine the relative condition of colored, when com- 
pared with white people, we need a standard which does not exist. 
We must find a class of citizens who, like them, have been systemati- 
cally deprived of instruction in science, — who have been denied the 
Erotection of law, debarred the pursuit of lucrative employment, — who 
ave never felt the magnet influence which a hope of elevation in so- 
ciety exerts in others, drawing them out to effort in the field of honorable 
emulation. But as we have no such class among us, we must compare 
them with the lowest class of our white population. If we could select 
from our white population those who have been abandoned of their 
parents to the influence of every vile example, and left to the unrestrained 
pursuit of every vile indulgence, still we should have a class who were 
more eligibly circumstanced than the colored people. Great injustice 
is done them by comparing them with the whole community, and pro- 
nouncing a condemnation upon them as vicious and degraded beyond 
remedy, from the data thus unfairly gained." — Report in Ohio Con- 



By the census of 1830, there were in the United States 
2,009,050 Slaves — ONE-SIXTH part of the entire population! 

" A slave," says the law of Louisiana, " is one who is in the power 
of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose 
of his person, his industry and his labor: he can do nothing, possess 
nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master. 
The law of South Carolina adjudges slaves "to be chattels personal in 
the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, admin- 
istrators and assigns to all intents, constructions and purposes lohatso- 
ever." And this is declared to be FOR EVER. 

In accordance with such laws, these millions of human beings 
are degraded and held down to the condition of property — to the level 
of BRUTES — in a land professing to respect equality of human rights, 
and to be governed by impartial law ! This caused one of the best 
friends of our country to exclaim, " While I am indulging in my views 
of American prospects, and American liberty, it is mortifying to be told 
that in that very country, a large portion of the people are slaves! It 
is a dark spot on the face ol the nation. Such a state of things cannot 
always exist" — Lafayette. 


In view of these facts, the American Anti-Slavery Society address 
you, as a man, a patriot, and a Christian, and ask, What will you do to 
relieve the oppressed, to save your country, to honor that gospel which 
commands, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do 
ye even so to them ?" As a Christian, you will acknowledge three 
things to be true : 

1. God requires the system of American Slavery to be immediately 

2. He makes it the duty of every man to do his part in this work, 
without delay. If a. slave holder,* he should be so no more ; if not, he is 
bound to bring the law of love home to the consciences of his erring 

By pressing plainly the requirements of God's law upon the con- 
sciences of the oppressors, we may hope to bring our oppressed fellow- 
citizens to the enjoyment of their rights, and in no other way. "If thou 
take forth the precious from the vile y thou shalt be as my mouth," — 
" Saith the Lord." — Jcr. xv, 19. 

It is plain that when such a mighty evil is to be grapjpled with, suc- 
cess is not to be expected without labor, courage and perseverance. 
Sacrifices are to be made. The cost must be counted, and there must 
be a devotion to principle without reserve. Those friends of the en- 
slaved who would break every yoke are comparatively few, though rap- 
idly increasing. It behooves them, therefore, to enter upon a. system 
of operation which will bring into exercise their whole strength, to the 
greatest advantage. 

* See above, the definition made by slaveholders themselves. 


There are two obvious ways of operating to change public sentiment. 
1. By agents or lecturers. 2. By the press. Lecturers may be exclu- 
ded j or their voices may be drowned by the clamor of a mob. But the 
press cannot be silenced without sweeping away the last vestige of 
liberty. This engine has always triumphed over brute force, and it al- 
ways will. At least we hope so. 

But the press cannot be used without funds. If every fireside in the 
land is to be visited with the moving tale of oppression, the means 
must be furnished. Neither can agents whose business it is to breast 
the tide of pro-slavery sentiments in public discussion, support them- 
selves. One thing at a time is as much as any man can do, WELL. 

Under this urgent necessity, the Executive Committee propose the 
following plan for raising funds. 

1. They invite every abolitionist to give something to the Society 
statedly. [The last Monday in the month, which has been set apart as 
a concert of prayer for the enslaved, will be a very suitable time for this 
contribution. Prayer and action should go together.] 

2. While larger sums are requested of such as are able to give them, 
they would invite each person to give 12 £ cents monthly. 

3. They recommend to their auxiliaries to appoint collectors who 
shall receive this monthly contribution, and pay it over to our treasury. 

4. In places where no such societies are established, they will request 
suitable persons to act as collectors. 

5. Whenever Jive dollars or more are collected, it should be remitted, 
without delay, to the parent Society, by mail. This conveyance is 
almost perfectly safe, and the use of the money for one month, in this 
advancing cause, is worth more than the postage. 

6. To every person who becomes a collector and remits the money 
collected, a package of the Anti-Slavery Record will be sent, suffi- 
cient to supply each subscriber with one copy for every 12* cents 

This plan is commended to your candid attention. Something must 
be done. Is it too much to ask of any abolitionist that he should do what 
is here proposed ? 

Will you not then take so much interest in this matter, as to request 
the A. S. Society in your place immediately to appoint one or more col- 
lectors, male or female, and take other necessary measures, by a public 
meeting or otherwise, to have this plan promptly and thoroughly carried 
into execution ? And if there is no auxiliary in your place, and it should 
be thought inexpedient at the present moment to form one, will you 
not yourself go forward, with such suitable assistants as you may choose 
to engage, and make application to every friend of immediate emanci- 
pation, for aid in this glorious cause ? 

With great respect, your fellow-laborer in the cause of humanity, 

E. WRIGHT, Jr., 
Sec. Dom. Cor. Am. Anti S. Soc. 

Anti-Slavery Office, 144 Nassau-st. New- York, June 1, 1835. 

N. B. — Remittances should be made to John Rankin, Treas. Jim. 
Mi- Slavery Society, No. 8 Cedar-Street, New- York. 


Thomas Nixon, an honest laborer now in the employ of a New- 
York merchant, relates the following: — 

He was a slave in North Carolina, and after "Nat's war," was hired 
to the captain of a coasting vessel. One day the Captain ordered him 
to go on shore for an axe. Having to pass some little distance into the 
country, as he approached a plantation, upon the public road, he was 
shot at and dangerously wounded He learned that the deed was done 
by the planter's son, who was stationed in ambush by the road-side, 
and ordered to shoot dt ry black that came along! For months he was 
unable to move himself from the wretched hut to which he was carried. 
No punishment was ever talked of, cither for the young man or his 
cruel instigator, the planter. 

This man, by the assistance of his employer, has been enabled to 

urchase the freedom of himself, hit wife, and two children* — Five of 
lis children are si ill in slavery. 



Last year I visit, d a gentleman in Philad* Iphia, who employs a con- 
siderable capital in the business of Sail-making. He invited me to 
his establishment, which occup ra] lofts, u one, his workmen, 

90 <»r SO in Dumber, were mdustriouajy at work upon the canvass. All 

WU order and harmony, and every arrant -m« nt seemed admirably 
adapted tbr the despatch of business. My friend took threat delight in 

pointing oat to me virions improvements that be had introduced m his 

art ; and spoke \t-ry kindly <>f his workmen. 1 [en WIS MM who had 

been in bis employ SO years, who owned not a brick when be came, 
but was now the possessor of a good brick boose: there was another 

who had been IWCUed from ruin. These were wkUi men, but not SO 
all. As near as 1 can lOColleCt, about half of them were colored Mv 

friend remarked to me that both color- had thus been employed together 

for more, 1 think, than -J<» years, and always with the same peace and 

harmony which I tle-n saw. u HtTt 9 fl Bald h«\ //<■" 9H w.'iat may ht 

and OUghi to h, dom in our country at latgt/ 1 The words made an im- 

pression <»n me which can never be effaced. 

And who is this noble Sail-maker.' //• \i I COLORED man! Fee, 
reader, be IS a colored man, and a few yean ago be WSJ DTged to no to 
Liberia, after this manner — ki GrQ to Liberia, and VOU will Be the / 

Mansfield of the Colony — asm yon ran only be Jim — the Sail-ma] 
This was the argument for expatriating a man who fought in the Revo- 
lution ; who, for years before the Temperance reformation, set an 

example of total abstinence from ardent spirits in bis whole establish- 
ment ; who stands at the head of a most useful branch of industry, and 
whose family is a pattern of every thing that is virtuous, refined and 
praiseworthy. W. 

One drop of African blood, we are taught by a certain society in Con- 
necticut, divides its possessor by " an impassable line of demarcation" 


from the immaculate whites. Our friend, Mr. Robert Purvis, a colored 
gentleman of Philadelphia, sets this matter in an amusing point of view, 
lie was about to embark for Europe from Philadelphia in one of the 

packets, when a Mr. , a firstrate aristocrat, learning that a colored 

man was to be a passenger, objected to going in the cabin with him. — 
The captain, in the true dough-face style, refused Mr. Purvis, and he 
was obliged to embark from New- York. In Europe he was, of course, 
treated with as much courtesy as if he had been entirely white, and 
perhaps a little more. But as he stepped into a shallop at Portsmouth, 
to go on board the packet whi< h was to bring him back to America, 

whom should he meet but the very Mr. , who had objected to his 

company from Philadelphia ! But as Mr. did dot know him, and 

color was not a matter to be so nicely studied at the end of the voyage, 
no objections were started. The company on board was of the very 
elite of the American white aristocracy ; a brother of Governor Havne 
of S. C. for one — by whom Mr. Purvis was politely received, and to 
whom, daring the voyage, for the furtherance of the joke, he endeavored, 
and with great suecess, to render himself agreeable. He daily walked 
arm and arm with some of the gentlemen on deck, and was upbraided 
by fathers and mothers if he neglected to dance with their daughters ! 
On arriving at Sandy Hook, the captain gave a special entertainment, 
when, after Other toasts, the health of Mr. Purvis was proposed, and 
was drunk with the greatest enthusiasm — all standing. 

The mother of one of the young ladies, it is true, was once on the 
voyage a little inquisitive, " Were you born in Philadelphia, Mr. Pur- 
vis?" said she. "No, madam," he replied, ''1 w as born far South." 
"I thought as much," the lady rejoined, " for that climate will injure 

the most delicate complexion." 

Now, ought not these people, all of them, to be brought before the 
Supreme Court of Connecticut, sitting at Canterbury, and tried for not 
having better discrimination ? 


When the British troops were about to evacuate St. Domingo, Gen. 
Maitland, their commander, desired an interview with Toussaint, and 
wrote to him to know if he might safety visit his head-quarters, which 
were then in the central part of the Island. Toussaint replied in the 
affirmative. Knowing the worth of Toussaint's word, the general, with 
only two attendants, set out for the camp of the negro chieC On his 
way, a letter was put into his hands, warning him not to proceed, for 
that a Frenchman was intriguing with Toussaint, and urging him to 
embrace the present opportunity of destroying the British power by de- 
priving the British army of its commander. But he had too much con- 
fidence in Toussaint, and proceeded. When he arrived at the camp, 
he was shown to the tent of the chief, and told to wait outside. In this 
delay his heart began to misgive him. Toussaint at last sprung out 
with a letter in each hand. "Ah, general," said he, "here are two 
letters which you must read before we proceed to business." One was 
that of the Frenchman proposing the treacherous seizure of the General 


The other was Toussaint's reply, is which he said, " I have pledged my 
word to the English commander that he shall be safe. You ask me to 
break my word. No. I have fought for the republic. I love the cause 
of France. But not a hair of this man's head shall be hurt. If my 
honor did not forbid it, how could I reconcile it with my conscience and 
my God ?" It is needless to say that General Maitland returned in 


Mr. L., a respectable Linen Draper, of New- York, relates the fol- 
lowing instance of cruelty, which he witnessed a few years ago in 
New-Orleans : 

He called on a northern friend, who had married a slaveholding 
lady. They had an infant prattling on the floor. To amuse it, a little 
slave child, of the same age, was admitted to play with it; the latter 
attempted to take a piece of cake from the white infant. To punish 
this very natural and innocent act, the white mother took a small wire 
cord and struck the black infant across its face tiil the blood spirted 
out profusely. She then called the slave mother to take away her child, 
that she might not be disturbed with its crying. Mr. L. expostulated 
with her, being unable to repress his indignation, and was told to leave 
the house. The husband, who was abs*. nt at the time, met Mr. L. the 
next day, and attempted to apologize, by saying that "such was the 
custom of the country," Sec. What a custom ! 

Suicide. — A negro man, named Michael, (a slaved committed sui- 
cide, in the jail of this county, on Tuesday night last, by hanging 

The circumstances which led to this melancholy act, we learn, are 
as follows: — He was recently sold, by a Mr. Barnett, of Howard 
county, to Mr. J. E. Fenton, of this county, by whom hie was imme- 
diately shipped for the South. At the mouth of the Ohio, he contrived, 
by filing off his irons, to make his escape — and returned to this county, 
(or Howard,) where his wife resides. He refused to be sent to the South, 
unless his wife should also accompany him; and being armed, would 
not surrender himself but on these conditions. He was, however, by 
stratagem, finally taken, and placed for safe-keeping in our jail — 
when, rinding that he would, in all probability, never again see her, 
he resolved to end both his life and his servitude. — Missouri Intel- 

[From a Missionary in the West Indies.] 

" A few years ago it was enacted thcit it should not be legal to trans- 
port once established slaves from one island to another ; and a gentle- 
man owner finding it advisable to do so before the act came in force, 
the removal of the greater part of his live stock was the consequence.— 


He had a female slave, highly valuable to him, (and not the less so for 
being the mother of eight or nine children,) whose husband was the 
property of another resident on the island, where I happened to be at 
the time. Their masters not agreeing on a sale, separation ensued, and 
I went to the beach, to be an eye-witness of their behavior in the great- 
est pang of all. One by one the man kissed his children, with the 
firmness of a hero, and, blessing them, gave his last words, — (oh ! will 
it be believed, and have no influence on our veneration for the negro?) 
" Farewell, be honest and obedient to your master /" At length he had 
to take leave of his wife ; there he stood, (I have him in my mind's eye 
at this moment,) five or six yards from the mother of his children, una- 
ble to move, speak, or do any thing but gaze, and still to gaze on the 
object of his long affection, soon to cross the blue wave for ever from his 
aching sight. The fire of his eyes, alone gave indication of the passion 
within, until, after some minutes' standing thus, he fell senseless on the 
sand, as if suddenly struck down by the hand of the Almighty ; — nature 
could do no more ; the blood gushed from his nostrils and mouth, as if 
rushing from the terrors of the conflict within ; and amid the confusion 
occasioned by the circumstance, the vessel bore off his family for ever 
from the island ! After some days he recovered, and came to ask ad- 
vice of me / What could an Englishman do in such a case ? I felt the 
blood boiling within me, but I conquered ; I brow-beat my own man- 
hood, and gave him the humblest advice I could afford." 

Let us remember that the American domestic Slave-trade causes 
such separations by system. Only the strong are sold to the South — the 
rest are retained as the breeders. ' 


A certain distinguished northern member of Congress had just fin- 
ished a speech, in which he attempted to justify Slavery from Scripture. 
John Randolph, turning round, with a look of scorn, said in an audible 
voice — " Slavery is a necessary evil ; but I envy not the head nor the 
heart of the man who can defend it on principle." 


In 182.9, the lohite citizens of Cincinnati undertook to drive out 
the colored ones, about 2,200 of whom were peaceably residing with 
them. An old law, requiring bonds for their support and good be- 
havior, was brought against them. They were mobbed night after 
night, and finally they were refused honest employment, and an effort 
was made to starve them out. A number of facts in regard to this per- 
secution we derive from the interesting Report on the Condition of the 
Free Colored Population, in the Ohio Convention — 

" A respectable master mechanic stated to us, a few days since, that 
in 1830, the President of the Mechanical Association, was publicly 
tried by the Society, for the crime of assisting a colored young man 
to learn a trade. Such was the feeling among the mechanics, that 
no colored boy could learn a trade, or colored journeymen find em- 


ployment. A young man of our acquaintance, of unexceptionable 
character, and an excellent workman, purchased his freedom, and 
learned the cabinet-making business in Kentucky. On coming to 
this city he was refused work by every man to whom he applied. At 
last he found a shop, carried on by an Englishman, who agreed to em- 
ploy him — but on entering the shop, the workmen threw down their 
tools, and declared that he should leave, or they would. ' They ivould 
never xoork witk a nigger. 7 The unfortunate youth was accordingly 

11 In this extremity, having spent his last cent, he found a slaveholder 
who gave him employment in an iron store as a common laborer. 
Here he remained two years, when the gentleman rinding he was 
a mechanic, exerted his influence, and procured work for him as a 
rough carpenter. This man, by dint of perseverance and industry 
has now become a master-workman, employing at times, six or eight 
journeymen. But he tells us he has not yet received a single job 
of work from a native born citizen of a fipee state. Thin oppression 
of the mechanics still continues. A el« nryman told one of his laborers,' 
who was also a member of his church, that he could employ him 
no longer, for the laws forbade' it The poor man went out and 
sought employment eisewb >re to keep bis family from starving, but he 
sought in vain, and returned in despair to the minister to ask his ad- 
vice. The only reply lie recehred was, '1 cannot help you, you must 
go to Liberia/ 

" The schools, both common and select, remain shut against them 
to the present day, although they have always paid tic ir full pro* 
portion of taxes for all public objects.* A short time since, it was 
discovered by a master of the common school, a preshyterian elder, 
that three or four children who attended had a colored woman for a 
mother. Although the complexion of these children is such, that no 
one could distinguish thorn amongst a company of whites, they were 
told that they could not stay in school, and wero sent home to their 

"Last spring a colored man had his house broken into, and property 
to a considerable amount stolen. The evidence was entirely conclu- 
sive, as one of the thieves turned Slate's evidence, and confessed the 
whole. At the court, one of the plea3 put in by the counsel was, that 
neither the oath of the man nor that of his family could be taken to prove 
the property to be his. The jury returned a verdict of not guilty, and 
the robbers were cleared. 

" At the same court a white man was arraigned for murdering a 
colored man. The case was a plain one, — eight or ten men who were 
standing near, saw the murder. Only two of them, however, were 
white. On the day of trial one of the white men could not be found. 
The testimony of the other was received, while that of the colored 

* In the new city charter, obtained in 1834, a provision is made, that 
the colored people shall receive the amount of their school-taxes in 
tuition. But as yet, so far as our knowledge extends, they have re- 
ceived no benefit from this provision. 


men, though equally respectable, was refused. As it was a capital 
crime, where two witnesses were necessary, the murderer escaped 
unpunished. Subject to such disabilities, is it strange that the popula- 
tion should be ignorant and degraded ? Especially when we remember 
that nearly one half of them were formerly in bondage. They have 
grown up under its blighting influences. The charge is true, — they 
are a degraded people. But this charge, true as it is, should not make 
them objects of contempt. It is the proof that they have minds, and 
are susceptible of moral influence. We wonder as we sometimes 
sit and listen to their tale of sufferings and of woe, that black de- 
spair has not entirely palsied every energy. To those acquainted 
with the system of slavery, it is known that not only law, but even 
brute force, is frequently exerted to prevent the dawn of intellect. 
Said a colored woman to us the other day, * When I was little, I 
used to long to read. After prayers, master would often leave the 
bible and hymn-book on the stand, and I would sometimes open them 
to see if the letters would not tell me something. When he came in 
and catched me looking in them, he would always strike me, and 
sometimes knock me down.' " 


" Rhoda Carr a girl who had been a slave, and who had purchased 
her freedom, having in some way heard of our schools, came five hun- 
dred miles that she might attend them. She entered not knowing her 
letters — in four weeks her reading book was the Testament Prestley, 
a boy aged ten, learned his letters in four days. He commenced last 
June, and is now a good reader, and well advanced in Arithmetic. 
Charles, another boy ten years old, at the second quarter had gone 
through Ray's arithmetic, and could do any sum which the book con- 
tained. The children generally of eight and ten years of age, who com- 
menced with their letters can now spell anywhere in the spelling-book. 
Fifty are now attending to geography, thirty to English grammar, forty 
to arithmetic, and twelve to history, some of whom are well advanced. 
True, some who attend our schools are stupid and dull, as is the case 
with every collection of children ; but with the majority, the fact is far 
otherwise. Sixty or eighty lines in history are frequently repeated for 
a morning lesson, with perfect accuracy, and on inquiring of the boys 
how long they sat up last night, the reply with some is, ' till ten, eleven, 
or twelve o'clock,' and with others, 'till we burned the candle out.' " — lb. 


We have just received from London the Anti-Slavery Reporter for 
February, 1835. It contains a mass of evidence which cannot fail to 
gratify genuine abolitionists. The following is from the postscript, con- 
taining the most recent news from Jamaica. 

We are told, indeed, by high colonial authorities, and whole hosts of 
affidavits are on the way to England to prove the point, that the negroes 


will not work voluntarily for wages. The Assembly of Jamaica, who 
are busy in getting up their evidence, will tell us, we trust, what the 
wages are which have been offered by them, and whether that offer has 
been accompanied by the galling privations and annoyances which have 
been intended to compel a compliance. They have long, we know, been 
preparing their delusive and fallacious statements for transmission to this 
country ; and an excellent missionary, Mr. Abbott, is now confined in 
the common jail of Spanishtown, for daring to resist their unwarranted 
claim to examine him on oath, touching his knowledge of the purposes 
and intentions of the apprentices. They had instituted, it will be remem- 
bered, some years ago, a similar scrutiny into the conduct and designs 
of the missionaries in Jamaica, and sent hither the evidence, in the 
boasted confidence that it could not fail to have the effect of their entire 
expulsion from the island. But when this labored document appeared 
on this side of the Atlantic, so totally unproduceable was it found to be, 
(to say nothing of the arts, and the espionage, and the subornations, and 
the garbling that were known to have been resorted to in its preparation,) 
that their own partisans and friends in this country, who had been taught 
to hail its approach, and who had been so imprudent as to boast before- 
hand of the effect it could not fail to produce on public opinion, saw at 
once, that it could not bear the light, and therefore judged it absolutely 
necessary, for their own credit's sake, wholly to suppress it.* 

A mass of evidence is now preparing under similar auspices, to prove 
the ill-working of the Abolition Act, and we doubt not will be found to 
possess the same character which rendered the former attempt of a like 
kind perfectly abortive, and even injurious to its contrivers. One thing, 
however, is quite evident on the present occasion, and that is, that the 
negroes have the law wholly on their side. The Act of Parliament is so 
clearly and explicitly in their favor, that no tortuousness of statement or 
violence of declamation can shake the strength of their case. They are 
safe, if they do but continue to conduct themselves peacefully, submis- 
sively, and loyally, and employ the time they are bound to give their 
master honestly and industriously in his service. And hitherto, generally 
speaking, it appears that this has been faithfully performed, and that few 
complaints have been made and substantiated to show that the masters' 
forty or forty-five hours in the week have been idly frittered away. 

At the same time, let it not be supposed that there are no estates on 
which the apprentices do not employ their leisure time for their masters' 
benefit and convenience. It is, however, chiefly in cases where they 
have been kindly and liberally treated and fairly remunerated. In the 
House of Assembly in Jamaica, on the 29th ot'October last, a memorial 
having been presented, complaining of the apprentices ; Mr. Shirley, 
the member for Trelawney, remarked, that he could not join the memo- 
rialists in their condemnation of the apprentices. He was interested to 
the extent of 700 apprentices, with whose conduct he was perfectly well 
satisfied. His people had behaved themselves extremely well, and he, 
for one, had no cause whatever to regret the change which had taken 

* See, for a full exposure of this instructive transaction, The London 
Anti-Slavery Reporter, No. 50, for July, 1829, p. 24. 


place. He was disposed to judge of the future conduct of his appren- 
tices by their past and present "conduct. Few negroes on the island 
turned out to work earlier than his. They were out almost every morn- 
ing at daylight, and such was their readiness and willingness to labor, 
that he got his 40 1-2 hours in four days, and this enabled them to work 
one entire day in the week for hire. He had employed 300 of his people 
repeatedly on Friday's for pay. 

[Communicated by a Lady.] 

In 1789, the Methodist meeting-house in Barbadoes, (the first that 
had been erected there,) was pelted furiously by mobs, and divine service 
disturbed by their clamorous outcries. Some of the rioters were carried 
before a magistrate, who said " the offence was committed against Al- 
mighty God ; it therefore does not belong to me to punish." This insult 
gave such great encouragement to the mob, that preaching by candle- 
light became impracticable. 



Section 1. Be it enacted by the Honorable the Senate, and the House of 
Representatives, now met and sitting in General Assembly, and by the 
authority of the same, If any person shall hereafter teach any slave to 
read or write, or shall aid or assist in teaching any slave to read or 
write, or cause or procure any slave to be taught to read or write ; such 
person, if a free white person, upon conviction thereof, shall, for each 
and every offence against this act, be fined not exceeding one hundred 
dollars, and imprisoned not more than six months ; or if a free person 
of color, shall be whipped not exceeding fifty lashes, and fined not ex- 
ceeding fifty dollars, at the discretion of the court of magistrates and 
freeholders before which such free person of color is tried ; and if a 
slave, shall be whipped at the discretion of the court, not exceeding fifty 
lashes ; the informer to be entitled to one-half of the fine, and to be a 
competent witness ; and if any free person of color or slave, shall keep 
any school or other place of instruction, for teaching any slave or free 
person of color to read or write, such free person of color or slave shall 
be liable to the same fine, imprisonment and corporal punishment, as 
are by this section, imposed and inflicted on free persons of color and 
slaves, for teaching slaves to read or write. 

Sec. 2. If any person shall employ or keep as a clerk, any slave or 
free person of color, or shall permit any slave or free person of color to 
act as a clerk or salesman, in or about any shop, store or house used 
for trading, such person shall be liable to be indicted therefor, and upon 
conviction thereof, shall be fined for each and every offence, not exceeding 
one-hundred dollars, and be imprisoned not exceeding six months ; the 
informer to be a competent witness, and to be entitled to one-half of the 

Sec. 3. If any free white person, being a distiller, vender or retailer 


of spirituous liquors, shall sell, exchange, give, or in any otherwise deliver 
any spirituous liquors to any slave, except upon the written and express 
order of the owner, or person having the care and management of such 
slaves, such person upon conviction, shall be imprisoned not exceeding 
six months, and be fined not exceeding one hundred dollars : and any 
free person of color, or slave, shall for each and every such offence, incur 
the penalties prescribed for free persons of color, or slaves, for teaching 
slaves to read or write. 

We have been told that we ought to fraternize, or associate Temper- 
ance with Anti-Slavery ! See how slaveholders can connect it with 
Slavery ! Why do not the advocates of Temperance tremble for their 
cause as much when it appears in this connection, as when it is linked 
with doing justice and showing mercy ? The 4th and 5th sections re- 
gard the execution of the 3d. 

By the 6th we perceive that the slaveholders are addicted to some 
vices which they do not like to have communicated to their Slaves. 

Sec. 7. This Act shall take effect from the first day of April next. In 
the Senate House, the seventeenth day of December, in the year of our 
Lord, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four, and in the fifty-ninth 
year of the Independence of the United States of America. 
H. DEAS, President of the Senate. 
PATRICK NOBLE, Speaker of the House 

of Representatives. 

Charleston Mercury. 


A slave in Georgia sought refuge in the swampy forest from the despo- 
tism which he could not brook, and kept himself concealed in places 
which a refugee slave alone would voluntarily inhabit until the ragings 
of hunger overcame him, and he crept back to the plantation. 

The overseer received him with wrath, and regardless of his anguish 
and his entreaties, securing him with cords, flogged him without pity. — 
The underling's arm grew weary— at length the tortured slave was writh- 
ing in his blood. Just then came in the master. He seized the lash, and 
pursued the outrage. " Pray, Massa," feebly screamed the perishing 
slave. What was prayer to the slave-master ? Uncurbed despotism 
was afloat — who can utter its horrors ? The sufferer's cries became 
more and more feeble, even the convulsions of his quivering flesh sub- 
sided — he felt no more ; but the tyrant was inflamed with new rage at 
the passiveness of his object, and swore and drove the lash with more 
vengeful nerve ; but in vain. The spirit had returned to Him who gave 
it — the voice was silent, and the flesh was dead. 

The cause was tried in Milledgeville, the capital of Georgia. I had 
the account from a public officer, who was engaged in the trial. A white 
man having been present, the facts as above stated were proved. But 
the jury and the judge, as well as the murderer, were slaveholders. — 
The law was without difficulty evaded ; and the murderer walks abroad 
ivithout stain, glorying in the freedom of his country ! 

A kind slave-master, in one of the Carolinas, had a large family of 
various colors, some enslaved, some free. One of the slaves was his 


favorite daughter ; she grew up beautiful, elegant, and much accom- 
plished. Dying, he willed his heir, her brother, to provide for her hand- 
somely, and make her free. But her brother was a slave-master, aiW 
she was a slave. He kept and debauched her. It would be unlawful 
even to speak of such things, were it not taking the part of tyrants to 
conceal them. At the end of four or five years he got tired of her, and 
that notorious slave-dealer, Woolfolk, coming down to collect a drove, 
he sold his sister to him, " There is her cottage," said he to Woolfolk ; 
" she is a violent woman. I don't like to go near her ; go and carry her 
off by yourself." Woolfolk strode into the cottage, told her the fact, and 
ordered her to prepare. She Was dreadfully agitated. He urged her to 
hasten. She rose and said, "White man, I don't believe you. I don't 
believe that my brother would thus sell me and his children. I will not 
believe unless he come himself." Woolfolk coolly went and required her 
brother's presence. The seducer, the tyrant, came, and, standing at the 
door, confirmed the slave-dealer's report. " And is it true ; and have you 
indeed sold me ?" she exclaimed, "'is it really possible ? Look at this 
child ; don't you see in every feature the lineaments of its father ; don't 
you know that your blood flows in its veins — have you — have you sold 
me ?" The terrible fact was repeated by her master. " These children," 
she said, with a voice only half articulate, "never shall be slaves." 
" Never mind about that," said Woolfolk, " go and get ready ; I shall 
only wait a few minutes longer." She retired with her children ; the 
two white men continued alone ; they waited — she returned not : they 
grew tired of waiting, and followed her to her chamber ; there they found 
their victims beyond the reach of human wickedness, bedded in their 
blood. C. Stuart. 

IC^The African Slave-Trade. — It appears from authentic docu- 
ments that this detested traffic was never more active than now. — 
Vessels, crowded with slaves, some carrying not less than 1000, are 
constantly entering the ports of Cuba and Brazil, — and who can say that 
they do not enter those of the United States ? What will stop this horri- 
ble traffic ? Nothing but the universal abolition of the markets for slaves ! 

The slave system inflicts an incalculable amount of human suffering 
for the sake of making a wholesale waste of labor and capital. 

Harriet Martineau. 

It is said that " an inclination to emancipate the slaves pervades the 
South." Are we to infer this from the fact that 300 slaves out of 
2,250,000 are offered to the Colonization Society for transportation to 
Liberia ? The slave-masters of the South are called upon by God, 
through their own consciences, immediately to give up their usurpation 
— to make free laborers of their slaves, upon the soil — and to gain time, 
they answer like the lazy servant, "coming sir, coming sir." But 
when we inquire into their progress, behold, they are ready to banish 
as many of their poor victims as are born in a day. Blessed be God, 
there are better indications of approaching freedom than this. Some 
can be pointed to, who, by the force of truth, have been persuaded to 
do justice. 



It is now the fifty-ninth year since we have been an independent 
nation, and we have not yet heard the trumpet of Jubilee. Ye reverend 
gentlemen, slaveholders and others, who quote the XXVth chapter of 
Leviticus to justify American slavery, how is this ? Does not that 
chapter say : " Ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty 
throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof V If you did 
really get a license to sin, out of that chapter, remember that it could 
run only fifty years. Your charter run out at least nine years ago. And 
now your doings under it are all "wrong" — by which I mean, that they 
are a wicked robbery of the poor ! CI. 


Can the Church of Christ tolerate, for one moment, a system which 
sells her members for money, separates families and promotes adultery ? 
Had such a fact as follows been related in regard to a convert at one 
of our missionary stations in India, it would have been published every 
where, as proof of the awful depravity of the heathen. 

Mr. Cornelius, in his journey from Brainerd to Natchez, in 1817, met 
with a Christian slave, of whom he gives a most affecting account. 
The facts were briefly these. Aaron, the slave, belonged to a Baptist 
Church, near Frankfort, Ky. He had a wife and two children. His 
master, in a fit of intoxication, sold him to a negro-trader going down 
the river to New-Orleans with a load of slaves. The wife, with her 
own tears and cries and those of her children, begged the trader not to 
carry her husband away. He professed to buy Aaron only to assist in 
working the boat, and, appealing to God in a terrible oath, swore that 
he would not sell him, but bri?ig him back. At New-Orleans he sold the 
other slaves, and was prevented from selling Aaron, only by the yellow 
fever which had hurt the market. During the delay, by the assistance 
of some friends, Aaron escaped. After traveling four hundred miles 
he was overtaken by his master, brought back a little way and sold to 
a Mr. Mitchell, with whom Mr. Cornelius found him. He most bitterly 
lamented the absence of his wife and .children. He had been urged 
to take another wife, but had refused on the ground of Christian princi- 
ple. His last request of Mr. C. was, that he would pray for him. 

[See Memoirs of Cornelius, page 93. 


Our vast country is filled with a mixed population, drawn from a 
dozen different nations. We have English, Dutch, Scotch, Irish, French 
and Swiss, besides the different varieties of African origin. If we wish 
to make our country the scene of everlasting broils, nothing is easier. 
Only talk of any one of these classes, to all the rest, as a nuisance : lay 
plans to get rid of it ; or to keep it from the exercise of equal privileges, 
and the work is done. Nothing is easier than to fan jealousy into a 
flame. By adopting an exclusive policy we may make a great many 
enemies at a small expense ; and this enmity may be kept up to the end 
of time by keeping at a proper distance from them. This matter is well 


understood. And liberal men who wish for peace, think it best to throw 
the broad shield of impartial law and equal rights over all, and make 
every body, who has a white skin, welcome to eur soil. No matter 
whether he knows much or little — and whatever may be his character, 
he is welcome. The chemistry of our free institutions is at once applied 
to him ; and to its transforming power we trust. If this is wise, why 
not apply the same to colored Americans ? Will our country be the 
worse off for having in its bosom two or three millions of friends, instead 
of as many enemies, even though they may be of a darker color than 
we would like ? 









[ Chartered.] 













Virgin Isles, 




St. Christophers, 








* Antigua, 
















St. Vincents, 












[ Crown*] 

St. Lucia, 




















Cape of Good Hope, I 











* In these Islands, slavery was unconditionally abolished on the 
1st of August, 1834 ; in the other Colonies the slaves are in a state of 



The following law is found among the statutes now in force in the 
miscalled free State of Illinois. 

"No negro, mulatto or Indian, shall at any time purchase any ser- 
vant, other than of their own complexion, and if any of the persons 
aforesaid, shall nevertheless presume to purchase a white servant, such 
servant shall immediately become free, and shall be so held, deemed and 

This law was carried verbatim from Virginia, and it seems to show 
two things. 

1. That white men in Illinois may buy "servants" of any complexion 
they please. 

2. That white men do not fear an immediate restoration of rights, 
when the case becomes their own. 


Slavery, it is said, is not the fault of America — it was forced upon her 
by Great Britain, in her state of dependance. But surely our country- 
men were not compelled to buy slaves, — the force was no other than the 
moral force of temptation. In presenting such temptation to the colo- 
nies, Great Britain was surely guilty. Of this her philanthropists, at 
least, are now sensible. And they are doing all in their power to 
make reparation. If the sin of Britain lay in using a moral force to 
introduce slavery, she is bound to use a moral force to abolish it. 
She has abolished slavery in her own dominions, and she has sent us 
two of her most distinguished philanthropists kindly to persuade us to 
imitate her example. * 

In commemoration of the glorious day in which the chains were 
knocked oft" from 800,000 slaves, and in regard to the influence of this 
act upon our country a medal was struck as represented above. It 
speaks in a language which needs no interpreter. 


" To our astonishment we found at Rio people of the country, 
distinguished for their education and humanity, who coolly assured 
us that we were mistaken in imagining that the negroes belong to 
our species. Agreeably to this principle, the slaves are treated, 
and, as the people at Rio boast, with extraordinary mildness. A 
person must have long resided there, and become gradually accus- 
tomed to this sight of misery and degrading oppression, before he 
can understand such language. 

" If a stranger visits the depot of a slave merchant, the latter re- 
ceives him with the greatest civility, cordially shakes him by the 
hand, and assures him of the uncommon excellence of his mer- 
chandise. He immediately orders some of the poor wretches to 
stand up, and, stick in hand, makes them exhibit their capabilities. 
But, if these atrocious dealers in human flesh perceive that you 
have entered their depot from mere curiosity, they immediately 
become vulgarly insolent, cursing foreign nations, especially the 
English, who, they say, meddle in their concerns, and rob them of 
their legitimate gains only to enrich themselves. We know, from 
various writers, what is now the easiest mode of acquiring riches 
at Rio, namely, by purchasing slaves and sending them out to 

" Long before day-break, as well as throughout the whole day, 
thousands and thousands of slaves may be seen wandering about, 
seeking employment ; the harbors and market-places are thronged 
with them, and it is impossible to walk even a few paces without 
being accosted by them. These slaves are obliged to provide for 
their own maintenance, and to carry home to their owners a certain 
sum of money every day. If they have been unable to realize this, 
they are beaten, but if they have gained more, they are allowed to 
retain a part, in order to make up any deficiency in some other 
day." — Meyerfs voyage round the world. 

Prudence is good in all things. There is no doubt such a thing 
as robbing prudently , discreetly, and judiciously, and some will have 
it, benevolently. The slave masters of Rio seem to understand 
this, and so do multitudes in our own country. Those people 
whose eyes, in this world, ' stand out with fatness,' who have ' more 
than heart can wish,' understand and practice the necessary secret 
of mixing up a great deal of prudence, and some goodness, with 
their sin. But as in the case of Dives, a kind hearted hospitable 
sinner of old, their kindness will not stand the test of the next 
world. — Ed. 


An officer of the United States' army, who was in the expedition 
from fortress Monroe, against the Southampton slaves, in 1831, 
speaks with constant horror of the scenes which he was compelled 
to witness, i'iiuse troops, agreeably to their orders, which were 
to exterminate the negroes, killed all that they met with, although 
thr-v encountered neither resistance, nor show of resistance; and 


the iii st check given to this wide barbarous slaughter grew out of 
the Jact, that the law of Virginia, which provides for the payment 
to the master of the full value of an executed slave, was considered 
as not applying to the cases of slaves put to death without trial. In 
consequence of numerous representations to this effect, sent to the 
officer of the United States army, commanding the expedition, the 
massacre was suspended. — Child/ 's Oration. 


In 1824, a Virginia jury propounded to the judges of the Court 
of Appeals, the highest court of law in that state, this question, — 
" Can a master be indicted for beating his slave cruelly, inhumanly, 
and beyond the bounds of moderation V* The court said this was 
a very 'grave' and 'delicate' question, which they should not then 
decide. This question has never been decided judicially in any of 
the slave states; nor has it been raised in any except Virginia. 
But who does not see that not to decide was deciding it 1 The 
most solemn decision in favor of the master could have conferred 
no power, which the witholding of a decision did not leave him. 
It left right with might, where it has always been, and gave a new 
sanction to the unholy union by refusing to disturb it. — Ibid. 


Lafayette was consistent. Having bravely and disinterestedly 
aided in vindicating our rights, he did not incur the reproach of 
hypocrisy, by turning and trampling on the rights of others. 

For the purpose of applying his principles to men of color, he 
purchased a plantation in French Guiana. His first step was to 
collect all the whips and other instruments of torture and pun- 
ishment, and make a bonfire with them, in presence of the assem- 
bled slaves. He then instituted a plan of giving a portion of his 
time to each slave every week, with a promise that as soon as any 
one had earned money enough to purchase an additional day of the 
week, he should be entitled to it ; and when with this increased 
time to work for himself, he could purchase another day, he should 
have that, and so on, until he was master of his whole time. In 
the then state of Anti-Slavery science, this gradual and sifting pro- 
cess was deemed necessary to form the character of slaves, and to 
secure the safety of the masters. Abolitionists would not elect this 
mode now. They would turn slaves at once into free laborers or 
leaseholders, on the same estate, if possible, where they have been 
as slaves. Still there is not an American abolitionist who would 
not rejoice to see a single southern planter copy the plan of Lafay- 
ette, or take any other step tending to emancipation, however re- 
mote. Before Lafayette's views were fully executed, the French 
revolution occurred, which interrupted his operations, and made 
the slaves free at once. But mark the conduct of the ungrateful 
and bloodthirsty blacks. While other slaves in the colony availed 
themselves of the first moment of freedom to quit the plantations oi 
their masters, Lafayette's remained, desiring to work for their hu- 
mane and generous friend.— Ibid. 


frj» We need offer no apology for occupying the whole of the 
present number with one article. The tale is true to life and na- 
ture, and we hope frr it an attentive perusal. To the author, who 
is unknown to us, we return thanks, at the same time that we ask 
forgiveness for a considerable abridgment, which was rendered 
necessary by our narrow limits. 



From June 12, 1835, to July 12, 1835. 

New York city, Ladies' A. S. Socie- 
ty, per Mrs. Lock wood, $100 00 
" J. Rankin, for July, 100 00 
" Wm. Green, Jr. for do. 83 33 
" Arthur Tappan. do. 250 00 
Boston, Chas. C. Barry, Fine St. A. 

S. Society, 100 00 

Brooklyn, Ct., N. Williams, Month- 
ly Concert, 5 00 
New York, Wm. Currie, from a few- 
friends of the cause, 30 00 
Thos. Fessenden, 5 00 
R. L. Hurlbut, Seneca Castle, by Rev 

Mr. Clark, 
R C. Bacon, Boston, Mass., 
Isaac Piatt, Franklin, N. Y., 
A Friend, 

E. C. Pritchett, Amherst, on account 
of $150 pledged, 

4 00 
2 00 

5 00 

16 00 

$701 71 

John Rankin, Treasurer. 

Monthly Collections received by Publish- 
ing Agent, from June 12, to July 12, 


Boston, Mass., C. C. Barry, 75 

Brighton, N. Y, by Dr. W. W. Reed 2 00 

Bath, Me., J. Taylor, i 00 

Cleveland, Ohio, A. Clark, 1 W 

Carlisle, Pa., by Miss M. Knox, 5 00 
Farmington, N. Y..,by W. R. Smith, 6 00 

Montreal, L. C, Wm. Brewster, 50 
Norwich, Conn., by Mrs. Dr. Farns- 

worth, 9 00 

Norwalk, Conn., by D. Low, 2 50 

Oneida Institute, by W. J. Savage, 10 00 

Oxford, Ohio, A. Benton, 1 49 

Perry, N. Y., by J. Andrews, 10 63 
Portland, Me., Ladies' A. S. S. by 

Miss Winslow, * 24 00 

Rome, N. Y, Dr. A. Blair, 10 00 

Rochester, " by Dr. W. W. Reed, 28 00 
Sandgate, Vt. Rev. S. M. Wheelock, 1 25 
Schenectady, N. Y, by J. G. Duryee, 5 00 

Twinsburgh, Ohio, Mr. Loomis, 50 
Western Reserve College, Ohio, by 

F. W. Upson, 5 08 
Wayne, Ohio, Miss A. Babcock, 50 
Records sold at Office; 17 48 
Books and Pamphlets sold at Office, 102 75 
Received for Quarterly Magazine, 76 00 
" Human Rights, 29 54 
" " Emancipator, New Se- 
ries, 18 34 


350 73 

R. G. Williams, Publishing Agent 
American Anti-Slavery Society, 
No. 144 Nassau-SL 



Rev. Mr. Burchill, Baptist Missionary to Jamaica, returned from 
a visit to England, just after the breaking out of the insurrection in 
that island, in 1832, and was soon afterwards obliged to fly for his 
life on board of an American vessel. During his short and tem- 
pestuous residence, while in confinement through perjury suborned 
against him, he was awakened one night by a voice of psalms. He 
started, rubbed his eyes, and thought it must be a dream ; for at 
that period, in that place, the utterance of the Saviour's name, or 
any act of outward worship, was almost tantamount to treason ; 
but the voice of singers rose sweetly and loudly through the night, 
and he wondered who could possess such daring. He moved 
quickly to the window, opened the Venetian, and bent his ear to- 
wards the sacred harmony. It was a hymn from the cell of the 
slaves condemned to death. The morning light was to usher them 
into eternity. But they had committed no crime to merit death, 
and abandoned and proscribed of man, they were communing in 
hymns with their God. Burchill stood and listened and wept ; 
but he had no power to deliver them — his heart ascended with 
their's to God. 

A few days afterwards, being providentially delivered from 
prison by the confession of his accuser, he was walking mourn- 
fully in front of the prison, when he heard himself called. Look- 
ing up, he perceived the voice came from a slave within the bars. 
He knew the danger, but he was a missionary. He saw a poor 
man about to suffer death, before him, and had heard his call. He 
immediately walked up to the window, when the slave, in a cheer- 
ful voice, exclaimed, " What, Massa Burchill, what make you 
look so sorry'? You sorry for me, Massa 1 Massa, you no want 
be sorry for me. Dey going to kill, dat for true, Massa ; but me 
no fraid to die. What, Massa Missionary, you no remember how 
you tell us, Jesus neber forsake or forget dose dat love him. Come, 
Massa, pluck up your spirit; let me see you smile, Massa; den me 
be glad. Yes, Massa, me be glad to go and be wid Jesus, for you 
know that be for better." 

Hear it and hail it ; — the call, 

Island to island prolong ; 
Liberty ! liberty !— all 

Join in the jubilee song ; 
Hark ! 'tis the children's hosannas that ring, 

Hark ! they are free whose voices unite ; 
While England, the Indies, and Africa sing, 

"Amen, Hallelujah !" at " Let there be light. 1 * 



Are American Christians determined that people of a dark complex- 
ion shall not share with them the blessings of our common humanity, 
either in this world or the next ? Are they determined not only to brave 
the thunderbolts of Jehovah, but to hang themselves up to the scorn of 
the Universe ? 

We put together here, the proceedings of a town-meeting in Canaan, 
N. H., and the acts of the clergymen of all denominations, (followers 
of Paul!) in Charleston, S. C. The former decree the destruction of 
an academy, for the crime of teaching within its walls colored youth 
— and in pursuance of this decree, the building has been dragged from 
its foundation by one hundred yoke of oxen. — The latter, at the dicta- 
tion of a pro-slavery committee, have humbly relinquished the colored 
schools they were teaching, and sanctioned, by their presence, the mur- 
derous rage of a meeting called expressly to put down all discussion, 
and trample under foot the last vestige of LIBERTY ! 


The preamble we have not seen; the resolutions adopted, are as 
follows : — 

Therefore, Resolved, From what our eyes have seen and our ears 
heard, respecting the close intimacy that exists between some of the 
colored boys and white females, we believe if suffered to go on, it will 
not be long befo.o we shall have living evidence of an amalgamation of 

Resolved, That we consider the colored school in this town, a public 
nuisance, and that it is the duty of the town to take immediate measures 
to remove said nuisance. 

2d. Voted, That the town take immediate measures to remove the 
house in which the colored school is kept. 

3d. Voted, that the Selectmen select the ground to set said house 

4th. Voted, that the following persons be a committee to superin- 
tend the moving of said house, namely : Jacob Trussell, Daniel Pattee, 
Jr., Daniel Campbell, March Barber, Nathaniel Shepard, James Pattee, 
Chamberlain Packard, Jr., Luther Kinne, John Fales, Jr., William 
Campbell, Peter Stevens, Westly P. Burpee, Herod Richardson, Robert 
B. Clark, Benjamin W. Porter, Elijah R. Colby, Salmon Cobb, Bartiett 
Hoit, and Americus Gates. 

5th. Voted, That the measures adopted by the town, in regard to 
moving said building, be commenced on the 10th day of August next, 
7 o'clock in the forenoon, and continue without intermission until the 
moving of said building be completed. 

6th. Voted unanimously, That the following Preamble and Resolu- 
tions be sect to the Editor of the Christian Register and Boston Ob- 
server, with a request that he would give them an insertion in his paper. 

Whereas a report of the Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society has been published in the Register and Boston Observer, bear- 
ing date July 11th, 1835, containing statements that the inhabitants of 
Canaan, N. H., are generally in favor of the colored school in said town, 


Therefore, Resolved, That the publication in that paper relating to 
said school, is without foundation in truth, and a libel upon the public 
as more than four-fifths of the inhabitants of this town, in the estimation 
of the meeting, are decidedly opposed to said school, and are determined 
to take effectual measures to remove it. 

JAMES ARVEN, ) Selectmen 


Attest — James Arven, Town Clerk. 

fFrom the Charleston Courier.] 


" One of the most imposing assemblages of citizens in respect of num- 
bers, intelligence and respectability, that we have ever witnessed, met 
yesterday morning at the City Hall, to receive the report of the Com- 
mittee of tiventy-one, appointed by the meeting on the 4th instant, on the 
incendiary machinations now in progress against the peace and welfare 
of the Southern States. The CLERGY of all denominations, 


After thundering forth the most violent threats against the discunr-ion 
of the subject of slavery, the meeting closed with the following resolution. 

" On motion of Captain Lynch, 

" Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due to the Reverend 
gentlemen of the Clergy in this city, who have so promptly, and sc 
effectually, responded to public sentiment, [bowed the knee to Baal !] 


population were taught ; and that this meeting deem it a patriotic 
action worthy of all praise, and proper to be imitated by other teachers of 
similar schools throughout the State ! /" 

Why do oppressors hate school ? Because their victims are men, 
and have SOULS. 


The former stereotypers of the Record have declined further to work 
for us. We are quite willing that their Southern business shall receive 
the benefit of it. Here is their note. 

"The undersigned respectfully inform the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, that at the time they undertoook the stereotyping of their tracts, 
they did not give the subject the consideration it was deserving of, or 
they never would have been found assisting a cause that they conceive 
to be detrimental to the best interest of the country, they therefore beg 
to decline all further orders. Respectfully, your obt. sts. 

" New-York, August 19, 1835." 

Extract from an Essay on the management of Staves, by Whitemarsh B. 
Seabrook, of South Carolina, 

How ought Slaves to be punished? On this subject we may safely 
appeal to experience. It is certain that no punishment is equally 
efficient in every case. Whilst the occasional application of the whip 
tends greatly to preserve the obedience of some, it is not even dreaded 
by others. Under these circumstances the slaveholder is bound to 
study thoroughly the character of his people — to watch their conduct 
with a sleepless eye, in order to discover the secret spring of their ac- 
tions. The punishments usually resorted to are — 1st. Corporal. 2d. 
Solitary confinement in stocks, or solitary confinement alone. 3d. 
Deprivation of privileges. 4th. Additional labor. 5th. Transportation. 
When corporal punishment is inflicted pursuant to a law of the State, 
the slave can receive but 39 stripes ; it is seldom indeed that the owner 
gives as many. This mode of arresting the commission of crime 
cannot be dispensed with. In many cases it is the only instrument 
which can confidently be relied on to meliorate the character of the 
refractory delinquent. If to our army the disuse of the lash has been 
prejudicial, to the slaveholder it would operate to deprive him of the 
main support to his authority. For the first class of offences, I consider 
imprisonment in the stocks at night, with or without hard labor in the 
day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of good government. His 
regular duty having been performed, the slave anticipates the approach 
of night with the liveliest emotions. To him it is the period when he 
can freely indulge in the various inclinations of the mind. Then, unre- 
strained and un watched, if I may be allowed the expression, he acts in 
any manner which his interest or his pleasure might dictate. Deprive 
him of this great source of enjoyment — take from him these hours 
usually passed with his associates, and you readily accomplish that 
which n» other known scheme has yet effected. To the correctness of 
this opinion, many can bear testimony. Experience has convinced me, 
that there is no punishment to which the slave looks with more horror 
than that upon which I am commenting, and none which has been 
attended with happier results. 

Among the privileges of the slave, may be numbered that of task work. 
When his daily labor is finished, he is at liberty to cultivate his crop, 
or otherwise to attend to his own concerns. For some offences the 
changing of task work into constant labor from sun to sun, reserving a 
short period only for meals, is a wise and useful regulation. To this 
punishment, if the crime be of an aggravated nature, the withholding 
from the transgressor his usual portion of tobacco, meat and other 
comforts, might be added. Another very efficacious means of cor- 
recting bad conduct, is the imposition of labor additional to the task 
work. For theft, this is a rational punishment. It is proper on ordi- 
nary principles, that the slave by his labor should compensate for the 
loss, which, through his knavery, the master has sustained. Whenever 
it is obvious that the character of the criminal is not likely to be 
amended by any of the means to which I have so briefly adverted, or> 
that frequent recurrence to rigorous punishment, is unavoidable to 
attain that end, it. is far better to expel him from society than to con~ 
taminate it by his example. 


[From Washington's Letters* by J. Sparks.] 


Cambridge, 2%lh February, 1776. 

Miss Phillis,— Your favor of the 26th of October did not reach my 
hands till the middle of December. Time enough, you will say, to 
have given an answer ere this. Granted. But a variety of important 
occurrences, continually interposing to distract the mind and withdraw 
the attention, I hope will apologize for the delay, and plead my excuse 
for the seeming but not real neglect. I thank you most sincerely for 
your polite notice of me, in the elegant lines you enclosed ; and how- 
ever undeserving I may be of such encomium and panegyric, the style 
and manner exhibit a striking proof of your poetical talents ; in honor 
of which, and as a tribute justly due to you, I would have published 
the poem, had I not been apprehensive, that, while I only meant to give 
the world this new instance of your genius, I might have incurred the 
imputation of vanity. This, and nothing else, determined me not to 
give it place in the public prints. 

If you should ever come to Cambridge, or near head-quarters, I 
shall be happy to see a person so favored by the Muses, and to whom 
nature has been so liberal and beneficent in her dispensations. I am, 
with great respect, your obedient humble servant, 


* " Phillis Wheatley was born in Africa, and brought to Boston in a slave- 
ship, in the year 1761, then between seven and eight years of age. She was 
purchased by Mr. Wheatley, but she soon discovered qualities so interesting 
and peculiar, that she was treated more as an inmate of the family, than as a 
slave. She died at Boston, December the 5th, 1784, aged thirty-one years." 

Five thousand dollars reward has been offered by an enactment of 
the legislature of Mississippi, to any person or persons who shall arrest 
and bring to trial, and prosecute to conviction under its laws, any per- 
son who shall utter, publish, or circulate within the limits of that state, 
the Liberator or any Other paper, circular, pamphlet, letter* or address 
of a seditious character. On conviction of such offender, the governor 
is authorized to draw his warrant on the treasurer for the same. 


Collectors on the monthly subscription plan, are requested to say in 
their next communication how many subscribers they represent. We 
wish to know how many contributors there are to our funds on that 
plan. They are also requested to be more prompt in making remit- 
tances. Many of the subscribers have not received the Record for two 
and some for three months past, and will not until further remittances 
are received. 


The slaveholders loudly accuse the abolitionists of attempting to excite 
their slaves to insurrection. That they do not believe the truth of their 
own charge, is abundantly evident. 1. If they did, they would not re- 
peat in their own newspapers the severest things the abolitionists say. 
2. They would not hold public meetings everywhere to pass 7'csolutions 
against the abolitionists. 3. They would not fail to appeal to the taiv, 
which in every state holds him guilty who excites another to commit 
any crime. 4. They would not offer rewards for the secret abduction 
of abolitionists. 

Should an insurrection occur at the south, slaveholders wiil be wholly 
accountable for it, not only on account of their persistance in oppression, 
but for their making the slaves suppose that abolitionkts would willingly 
aid them in violence. Their folly is sensibly portrayed by one of their 
own writers. 

A correspondent of the Charleston Southern Patriot, holds this lan- 

" Professional gentlemen are generally agreed that these men, if guilty 
at all, are guilty only of a misdemeanor, which is punishable by impris- 
onment for one year, and a fine of one thousand dollars, and I am not 
aware that any of them would contend that Tappan and his associates 
could be indicted for aiding or counselling our slaves to raise an insur- 
rection under the act of 1822, which is a felony, punishable with death. 
Considering then the small punishment that could be inflicted on these 
men, even if they could be brought to Charleston and committed, and 
the many difficulties which lie in the way of bringing them here, to say- 
nothing of the technicalities which an able lawyer could throw around 
them as a shield even after they were here, it seems to me absurd to 
waste our energies and feelings on so small an affair as the punishment 
of one or two men, unless it eould put down the whole crew of aboli- 
tionists. Suppose it could be proved that Tappan himself published the 
Emancipator in New- York, as the publication there is no offence against 
our laws, we would have to go further and prove that Tappan put 
them into the Post-Office. Could we do that? I believe not. What 
then could we prove against Arthur Tappan, even if we had him here ? 
Why nothing ! Our own courts would have to acquit him. 

"But let us suppose things to go smoothly on, and that Garrison is 
given up, and in the custody of the Sheriff of Charleston District, what 
an excitement would it not produce here. Only imagine the avidity 
with which the court-house would be thronged — the daily report of the 
trial published in our daily papers, and read by our domestics, and his 
defence spread out before them in the columns of a newspaper, and we 
can readily believe that such a scene would be more pregnant with evil 
than any other that could happen in Charleston. Suppose from some 
defect in the evidence, or in the pleading, and such things have happened, 
that Garrison should be acquitted. Nov/, would not the governor of 
our State, in comity to that of Massachusetts, be bound to protect his 
life from the fury of a mob, and could this be done without such an 

array of civil and military authority as would give to the whole affair an 
air of triumph on the part of Garrison. His life certainly would be in 
great danger in Charleston, but his death by violent means — even by 
the hands of the law — would excite his friends at the north, and only 
weaken ours. It could have no possible effect in staying the waters of 
abolition which are deluging the whole country from Maine to Mary- 


" We boast much of the strength of this abhorrence [of slavery] in 
northern breasts — but its shameful weakness there, may be justly mea- 
sured by our continued contempt of the free people of color amongst 
us — our continued cruel fraud on the rights of this unhappy portion of 
our countrymen. Let no person who feels this contempt, and is a 
party to these frauds, have the face to pretend that his bosom swells 
with righteous indignation at the enslavement of the colored man. I 
deeply regret that President Young should speak as he does, of one of 
the best, if not the very best means of spreading and strengthening at 
the north a just sense of the wickedness and horrors of American 
slavery — a means, too, which in the self-denial it involves, is most hap- 
pily suited to convince our southern brethren of the sincerity of our 
language against slavery — I mean abstinence from the products of slave 
labor, which in the president's eyes is ' infatuation ;' but which in mine, 
is an object that the Anti-Slavery Society could be most suitably em- 
ployed in industrious efforts to promote. Were it known to the citizens 
of Danville, that one cf their shoemakers was rolling up enormous 
wealth in his business, from a system of oppression towards his appren- 
tices, in which his only concern was to extort from the subjects of that 
oppression, the utmost amount of labor of which their abused, half-fed, 
half-clothed bodies were capable, my word for it, President Young's 
righteous spirit would be among the first to exclaim, ' I'll go barefoot 
sooner than patronize the wretch.' Now, if the president could see 
from his window the unequaled system of oppression, by which he gets 
his rice and sugar — a system, compared with which the sufferings of 
any class of white laborers in our land, are pleasures — a system fraught 
with untold affliction, and with death to the body, the mind, and the 
soul — could the horrid features of this system be distinctly surveyed by 
him, instead of being faintly imagined at the distance of five or ten hun- 
dred miles — then might he begin to think, that the cost of such rice and 
sugar, is too great for the gratification of his palate." — Gerrit Smith. 

In the press, A Memoir of Granville Sharp, by Charles Stuart, 
with a beautiful likeness, engraved by Patrick Reason, a colored youth 
of New- York. 

Extract from the Journal of a Stipendiary Magistrate, in Jamaica, 

" Mr. Kennedy, of St. Anne's, was indicted for shooting an old wo- 
man on his uncle's property, he had ordered her to go home before him, 
to be put in confinement, for assisting a Negro to cut up his Pig during 
master's time. The woman " begged massa hard, quite hard" to be 
let go, " never would help neger in massa's time again ;" but Mr. 
Kenedy would not hear her, she attempted to get away, he levelled his 
double-barrelled gun, and lodged the contents of one barrel in her leg 
and thigh. He then discharged the other barrel, but fortunately, missed 
his aim. The wounded woman was then taken home ; no doctor was 
sent for ; and the following day she was ordered to field. The evidence 
was incontrovertible, but The Grand Jury ignored the Bill. This was 
at last October Court." 

"Mr. Mouchette, at Montego Bay, was indicted for causing one of 
his negroes to be torn by dogs, and severely injured thereby. The 
man's offense was, going without the leave of the Overseer to bury his 
wife, then dead three days, he (the Overseer) having previously on 
three occasions, refused the man time to dig the grave. When it was 
discovered that the negro in his desperation had gone without permis- 
sion to dig the grave, Mr. Mouchette had the dogs brought out, and set 
on the negro. The result was the injury alluded to. The Chief Jus- 
tice, to his honor, put the case before the Jury, in such a way, that the 
white man could not escape conviction. There was a verdict of Guilty, 
and " the atrocious cruelty," as the conduct of the prisoner was stigma- 
tized by the Chief Justice, was punished with a fine of 100Z. currency. 

Archbishop Sharp, the grandfather of Granville Sharp, in a 
sermon preached before the British House of Commons, one hundred 
and fifty six years ago, used the following remarkable language : 

" That Africa, which is not now more fruitful of monsters, than it was 
once for excellently wise and learned men, — that Africa, which formerly 
afforded us our Clemens, our Origen, our Tertullian, our Cyprian, 
our Augustin, and many other extraordinary lights in the Church of 
God, — that famous Africa, in whose soil, Christianity did thrive so pro- 
digiously, and could boast of so many flourishing churches, — alas ! is 
now a wilderness. " The wild boars have broken into the vineyard, and 
ate it up, and it brings forth nothing but briers and thorns," to use the 
words of the Prophet. And who knows but God may suddenly make 
this church and nation, this our England, which, Jeshurun-like, is waxed 
fat and grown proud, and has kicked against God, such another example 
ef vengeance of this kind," 

Slaveholding hospitality. — A colored man, a sailor, of New- 
York, named William Courrance, lately had the misfortune to be cast 
away on the coast of North Carolina. The crew escaped with their 
skins, having lost all. On their arrival at the first town, Courrance and 
another person were unceremoniously thrown in jail, for the crime of 
not being as white as the rest, and there kept till a captain kindly offer- 
ed to carry them to New- York. The kindness and hospitality of the 
slaveholders consists in this, that they did not sell the men into perpet- 
ual slavery, as, by their tyrannical laws, they might have done ! — It i3 
needless to say that this imprisonment was a palpable violation of the 
Constitution. It is generally understood that the " compact" may be 

violated by one of the parties, whenever they think necessary for the 
safety of their " peculiar species of property." 


The same benevolent principles, viz. universal love and charity, — 
founded on the great commandment, " Thou shalt love thy neighbor as 
thyself," which obliges the true christian most disinterestedly to forgive 
all personal injuries, and pass over every affront offered to his own per- 
son, will necessarily engage him on the other hand, as disinterestedly 
to oppose every danger of oppression and injustice, which affects his 
brother, and neighbors, when he has a fair opportunity of assisting 
them. From hence arises the zeal of good men for just and equitable 
laws, as being the most effectual means of preserving the peace and 
happiness of the community, by curbing the insolence and violence of 
wicked men. granville sharp. 


K Prove that you have human feelings, 
Ere you proudly question ours." 
In the year 1800, the Oswego, an American vessel, was wrecked 
on the coast of Barbary. The master, Judah Paddock, and his crew 
were seized and sold by some wandering Arabs. The master in his 
account of what occurred to them, relating some conversation between 
himself and the man in whose possession he was, says : " I took the 
liberty to tell him how much better he would be treated than we had 
been, if, by an accident, he had been thrown upon our shores : that in- 
stead of being held in bondage, and sold from tribe to tribe, our sultan 
would bave conducted him back to his native country in safety. He 
heard me out, and then warmly retorted upon me as follows : " You 
say if I were in your country, your people would treat me better than I 
treat you. There is no truth in you. If I were there, I should be 
doomed to perpetual slavery, and be put to the hardest labor in tilling 
your ground. You are too lazy to work yourselves in your fields, ana 
therefore send your ships to the negro coast ; and in exchange for the 
useless trinkets with which you cheat the poor negroes, you take 
away ship loads of them to your country, from which never one returns ; 
and had your own ship escaped our shore, you yourself would now be 
taking the poor negroes to everlasting slavery." Although the purpose 
of my voyage had been very different from what Ahomed suspected, 
yet I felt the sting of the reproach, in a manner that I can never forget. 
Before I could make him any reply, he turned to a lad a fellow prisoner 
of mine, who confirmed what he had said. It appears that this boy had 
often before told them, that the English ship in which he had sailed, 
was, when wrecked, bound to the negro coast for slaves, and he ac- 
knowledged that he had told them how the negroes were treated in the 
"West Indies." — Anecdotes of Africans.